By Armin Sijamić
U.S. President Donald Trump has shaken almost everything he has touched in less than two years. Even the closest American allies and key alliances like NATO have not been spared.
When the history of the world, especially the West, is written, Donald Trump's two terms in the White House will certainly be considered turning points for many things. Trump achieves this even when he doesn't want to. Simply put, his style in politics, provided such appearances can be called style and politics, forces even the closest American allies to be cautious.
This is not just about Trump's threats to leave Denmark, a NATO member, without a part of its territory. Trump's actions undermine NATO at its foundation and keep the closest American allies in uncertainty.
From friends to enemies, from strong to weak
Not so long ago, Trump called for strengthening NATO and increasing defense spending by member states - five percent of gross domestic product. This justified demand from Washington, although the percentages can be debated, was decided to be met by NATO members, with the exception of Spain under Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez Pérez-Castejón. American companies can thus get multi-billion dollar contracts, as they have no competition in many areas in the West.
However, a quick turnaround occurred, and NATO became a "paper tiger" for Trump, as he recently put it. This happened after many European countries were unwilling (militarily or politically) to go to war against Iran for the interests of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Within a couple of weeks, Trump sought help from European allies, then stated that they were incapable of helping him anyway and that it wasn't necessary because the American army was destroying the Iranian one.
Then he went a step further and threatened that the United States might leave NATO, which is a metaphorical message that it will leave Europe to fight Russia under Vladimir Putin on its own.
The media reported on his meeting last week at the White House with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, which was anything but pleasant. Rutte admitted that Trump was "disappointed" with the behavior of NATO allies.
Trump makes no distinction between an attack on one NATO member and an unprovoked attack by one member on another country. It seems he believes that all NATO countries must follow the US without question, even in Netanyahu's wars. On the other hand, many European countries consider NATO a "।umbrella" under which they seek shelter for collective defense.
Zelensky, who understands everything, and Sánchez, who is beginning to understand
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has experience working with Trump. The awkward scenes in the White House when Trump, along with the top US leadership, "lectured" him on decency and forced him to surrender to Russia on camera will be hard to forget. Trump told him then that he "had no cards" to play, and Zelensky tried to protect Ukraine's dignity and show gratitude to the host who, under Joseph Biden's administration, was most responsible for Kyiv not capitulating in the first days of the Russian aggression.
Zelensky learned that things don't go easily with Trump, even when you are his ally. It seems Trump demands absolute obedience and humility even in public appearances. Zelensky felt this firsthand, as did Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman recently, who, if he takes the royal throne, will be written in his title as "Guardian of the Two Holy Mosques," whom Trump insulted in an unprecedented way in diplomacy.
Since the beginning of the US-Israeli war against Iran, Zelensky has focused on the Middle East. In addition to supporting the US and Israel, Ukraine is trying to help Arab countries develop defenses against Iranian drones and missiles, as well as to conclude other security agreements.
About ten days ago, Zelensky met with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and the main topics were related to the security of Ukraine, the Black Sea region, and all of Europe.
Last week, he addressed the possibility of the US military withdrawing from Europe and, before his Ukrainian allies, presented a bold idea, proposing a security bloc composed of European states, including EU member states, the United Kingdom, Turkey, Norway, and Ukraine. "Without Ukraine and Turkey, Europe will not have an army comparable to Russia's. With Ukraine, Turkey, Norway, and Britain, you will control security at sea - and not just in one place," he said.
Zelensky put forward the old idea of European countries creating a common army, or at least an alliance, with the aim of establishing a new security architecture on the continent, without Washington and Moscow. Zelensky would also include non-EU member states that are military powers and are located on the fringes of Europe, such as Norway, the United Kingdom, Ukraine, and Turkey, in this bloc.
Zelensky, who has been dealing with these issues for years, has found an ally in Spain, which under Sánchez has been calling for peace in the Middle East for months. Within the ruling coalition in Madrid, there are also parties advocating for Spain's withdrawal from NATO, which is unlikely at this moment.
"We are ready to move towards a common European army, not in ten or twenty years, but immediately. Tomorrow, if I can put it colloquially," Sánchez said on Saturday. "The European Union consists of mediocre powers in defense and security, and as such, we can only be significant if we build a common army," he added, as it is necessary so that "others do not exploit" the vulnerability of EU countries in this area.
A Shaken West
Sánchez's statement came at a time when Netanyahu is threatening Spain over its policy towards Palestine, Iran, and the Middle East as a whole. This time again, European allies, nor those from NATO, did not come to Spain's defense. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz also did not do so recently, when Trump insulted Spain and its leadership in his presence.
This indicates that divisions in the West are deepening. Zelensky and Sánchez, who lead two important and large European countries, with such positions, are a reflection of these divisions, and their statements come as a consequence of concern for their own interests. Zelensky is considering whether Ukraine can survive the Russian aggression, and Sánchez is concerned about economic issues and the strengthening of political rivals in Spain, although some of his positions towards Trump can be explained by events in Venezuela, where Spanish companies had important projects in the oil sector, and his positions towards Netanyahu by what, despite being a staunch leftist, the Catholic Church might expect from him.
Nevertheless, the catalyst for change in the West is Trump. Those who supported him and continue to support him can hardly provide many examples proving that the United States and the West are now in a better position compared to twelve or two years ago.
On the other hand, there are many counter-examples. Trump has shaken America's reputation, NATO, European allies, and Ukraine, which has been fighting a four-year war to move away from Moscow and closer to the West. He has brought America's Middle Eastern allies to a point where they themselves conclude that the word "ally" might not apply to them, and he has divided American society like no one in decades.
Dissatisfaction with Trump's policies is growing both at home and around the world. American allies expect an answer from the political elite in Washington on the question of where the world's greatest power is heading, although many do not have the courage to ask for it publicly. Therefore, it is expected that there will be more who will pose questions like Zelensky and Sánchez, sowing seeds that may one day become a serious plan. Zelensky's and Sánchez's words now sound like a cry for the salvation of the West, or what remains of it.
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