What did Dodik and Špirić ask Kemal Čaušević for?

Two billion KM in damage to the budget of Bosnia and Herzegovina, due to various malversations, and under the baton of the political leaderships of SDA, HDZBiH and SNSD, is the sum for which someone will have to answer when the trial of the century begins before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with former director of the Indirect Taxation Authority of BiH Kemal Čaušević as the star witness, writes the BiH news agency Patria.

Some media outlets, which are under the direct influence of the HDZ leadership, have already launched an anti-campaign, attempting to "cleanse" those who exerted political pressure on Čaušević to complete multi-million dollar deals for them through their articles.

Of course, everything is being turned into a story about how the case is fabricated. But, will all those whom the former director of the ITA has named in his first statement, and whose names will likely emerge during the court proceedings, along with other political power brokers who are undeniably united and connected in this case regardless of their party or ethnic affiliation, truly be "clean" as claimed in some media, only time will tell.

Despite commissioned newspaper articles that, in addition to distorting facts, attempt to exert pressure on those who publish the truth, and the effort to conceal obvious crime worth 2 billion KM, and to shift blame onto minor players while major figures avoid criminal responsibility, Patria continues to publish the names of those Čaušević has named in his statement.

In his only statement to date, given immediately after his arrest, Čaušević revealed only fragments of the nexus between power and crime.

In addition to HDZ leadership Dragan Čović, candidate for the Croatian member of the Presidency of BiH, Vjekoslav Bevanda, candidate for delegate in the BiH Parliament, and former state Minister of Finance Dragan Vrankić, Čaušević also named SNSD hawks - Milorad Dodik, Nikola Špirić, and Aleksandar Džombić, Patria has learned.

Thus, Špirić allegedly asked Čaušević to allow a company from Tuzla a VAT refund of half a million KM. However, according to Čaušević's statement after checks were carried out, the matter was not clean, as Špirić contacted him by phone saying "he did not expect such a thing from him."

The refund was made to the Tuzla businessman in 2007, immediately after Špirić took over as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of BiH. Špirić also asked Čaušević to exempt customs duties on sugar imports for two companies owned by Ilija Studen.

The gentleman in question allegedly asked Čaušević to treat unrefined sugar as raw material for production, and as such, be exempt from customs duties. The former ITA director referred him to the Council of Ministers and the Management Board, and shortly thereafter, the businessman was exempted from paying customs duties, which resulted in a damage of 60 million KM to the budget of BiH over six years.

Businessman Studen thus gained a preferential position over others, importing quantities of sugar that exceeded the needs of the entire BiH. In this way, not only the BiH budget was damaged, but investors and the EU were also deceived. Studen allegedly repaid Špirić with an apartment in Vienna for this enormous favor.

Furthermore, according to Čaušević's statement, as Patria unofficially learns, Špirić played a key role in the illegal employment of people in the ITA. Špirić, it should be noted, as the Minister of Finance of BiH, was simultaneously the Chairman of the Management Board of the ITA of BiH.

He asked Čaušević to employ people from Tuzla, mostly close relatives of Špirić's wife who is originally from that city, and about ten people from Drvar.

A list with the names of individuals whom Čaušević had to employ will be among the evidence materials at the Court of BiH, as it bears Špirić's signature. Čaušević allegedly only later realized that none of them worked at the ITA, but were guarding and maintaining Špirić's house, and he terminated their employment contracts.

One of the businessmen Špirić constantly helps with money refunds, and in other ways, is Goran Marinković. Although the ITA filed a report against him, the whole matter was hushed up because Špirić stood behind him. Marinković himself allegedly admitted to Čaušević that he paid Špirić for services.

HOW DUBRAVKO PRSTOJEVIĆ WAS EMPLOYED

However, it is not only Špirić who is involved in the affair of the century. His party boss Milorad Dodik also exerted pressure on Čaušević to appoint a certain Cvjetinović as head of customs, and Dubravko Prstojević, former director of the Tobacco Factory Banja Luka, as head of the Department for Control of Large Taxpayers.

Čaušević did not comply with this request, but the current director of the ITA, Miro Džakula, fulfilled Dodik's will and desire. What else Dodik, the candidate for the President of RS, asked of Čaušević and what financial benefits he gained will be revealed during the trial.

DEAL IN THE SALE OF FISCAL CASH REGISTERS

Furthermore, according to what Čaušević said, as we unofficially learn, Dodik was indirectly involved in the fiscalization process, through the then-entity Prime Minister Aleksandar Džombić, who was merely a figurehead in the hands of the SNSD leader in that position.

At that time, a Japanese company offered to donate fiscal cash registers to BiH, but Džombić and Vjekoslav Bevanda, then Federal Prime Minister, blocked the adoption of the Law on Fiscalization, rejected the Japanese donation, and reached an agreement for the entities to procure fiscal cash registers separately. They were purchased at a price exceeding 300 million KM, and, very indicatively, both entities from the same foreign supplier.

TOMORROW: NAMES OF POWERFUL FIGURES FROM SDA

The nexus of the leaderships of SNSD, HDZ BiH, and SDA, and their interconnectedness when it comes to using political power and influence to achieve personal financial gain is evident in the "Čaušević" case: tomorrow, Patria will exclusively publish the names of influential SDA members, former and current, and businessmen for whom Čaušević had to perform "dirty jobs" on their orders and under pressure.