Background of the Media Code of Our Party's Informbiro: Forto in panic, realized who is next if Bošnjak speaks up!

Written by: Rasim Belko @rasimbelko

“From Friday, November 15, 2024, Our Party will no longer be able to play the role of a polished European movement from whose portfolio always emerge well-groomed parodents who know how to talk superiorly about how it can be done, but do not hesitate to show it.”

I wrote this on November 17 of this year, not even suspecting that the crisis in crisis communication would strip bare all the transparency of liberalism in the political organization Our Party.

If we judge by the approach, tone, and manner in which Our Party addressed the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina on that unfortunate Friday the 13th in December, it is clear that all that remains of liberalism in that party is what is written in the Statute—that they have a president, and her name is Edin Forto.

However, the actions over the last two years, during which NS has been in power at the state, entity, and cantonal levels, have shown that these liberals view freedom and rights as a space from which they have the right to take supplements of liberalism as needed. Because that Our Party voted for domestic abusers, blacklisters, agreed to a one-day suspension of the Constitution, and thus a broader spectrum of rights such as those of political choice, while simultaneously changing the rules of procedure in the federal and cantonal parliaments in a direction contrary to democracy.

And that is why today it should be clear to everyone in Bosnia and Herzegovina that there has been no greater political fraud in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina than Our Party.

I do not know how sufficient this is internally or externally, but for clarification, the biggest culprit for why Minister Bojan Bošnjak is undergoing a judicial process is precisely the president of Our Party, Edin Forto, whom witnesses in the “Incitat” case have publicly accused of being the one who most pressured Bošnjak to sign what smarter people before him did not.

And it is precisely in this fact that one should seek the reasons for the scandalous, anti-democratic, anti-liberal pressure that Our Party attempted to exert on the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Because it is obvious that in Our Party, after the extension of Minister Bošnjak's detention for another two months, panic arose over the possibility that in his statements he would confirm what we heard from witnesses. Thus, panic over the potential expansion of the investigation in a direction we might call “the primary instigators of the Bjelašnica killings” forced the Sarajevo liberals to leap into the dark depths of Informbiro-style activity.

Liberals, it is now clear to everyone, are NOT. But hypocrites, they ARE. Because if the Našists from the Sarajevo FGR pool had truly considered the well-being of Bojan Bošnjak and his family, the party president would not have forced Bošnjak to sign what at least three predecessors refused, obviously aware of the consequences. So, Forto, Ćudić, and the rest of the Našist leadership in our country, through an internal memo to the media, are trying to reduce public pressure in this case, so that the ball of yarn does not unravel to the end.

In panic, eyes are wide, so the Našists' eyes opened so much that somewhere they saw “the presumption of innocence, which they have never seen before when their political rivals were arrested and prosecuted.

But it is not worth wasting time or space on the principles of that party, because Our Party has long ceased to be a party of principles. It is, unfortunately, a political project that operationally functions as a group of opportunists whose only goal is power, regardless of the cost or the means by which it is achieved.

Precisely because of this approach, Our Party has gone from being a liberal European movement, as they once presented themselves, to an exemplary case of political manipulation and duplicity. Their interpretation of freedom and rights now boils down to their right to manipulate public narratives, control the media, and pressure judicial institutions when it suits them.
Through the example of Minister Bošnjak, not only their political hypocrisy has been laid bare, but also a complete lack of responsibility towards their own members. Forto and Ćudić, as the party's leaders, preferred to sacrifice Bošnjak rather than take responsibility for decisions made under their pressure.

Our Party, at this moment, is no longer a politically or morally sustainable option for the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their liberalism has remained just a campaign slogan, while their actual politics has become synonymous with everything they supposedly fought against.
The end of this story, however, is yet to come. Because once the ball of yarn starts to unravel, it is hard to stop.
And it will not be stopped by those Našists who would prompt the media, and certainly not by those who, while claiming to fight against it, firmly hold onto the chairs that such an Our Party gave them.

Both sides are aware that time is inexorably passing, and with it their rule. Because, as I wrote at the beginning, after November 15, nothing will be the same. The suicidal political attempt to discipline the media according to communist doctrines has best depicted Našism as propaganda liberalism.

And whoever survives Našism, even hell will not be hard for them, right!? Or will it be?