The Last Cry of the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Is There Anyone to Answer in the Pro-Bosnian Bloc?

Written by: Rasim Belko

In the never-cooled atmosphere of political crises in Bosnia and Herzegovina, all signs point to a rather hot autumn that could burn illusions. The question is only whether the burned illusions will be about the state or its division.

There are two key issues around which the battle of all battles will be fought.

The first is certainly the Election Law with partial amendments to the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, on which the HDZ BiH led by Dragan Čović, Christian Schmidt, and official Zagreb are working in parallel.

Given everything that has happened regarding election rules and what they entail, it is clear that unpacking this problem will bring another serious crisis. Along with the fact that we now have another judgment from the European Court of Human Rights, and not a single one has been implemented, it is evident that the existing bloc conflict between those who advocate for EU values and those for changes based on the model of tribal communities will escalate.

However, that escalation will be just a small firecracker compared to what awaits Bosnia and Herzegovina in terms of resolving the issue of state property. Because this issue transcends the socio-political framework of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and its resolution is of vital interest not only for the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina but also for its neighbors, and ultimately for the entire international community.

Resolving the issue of state property is also a matter of ending the conflicts that were fought over the territory of our state, so there is no doubt that it will not be easy to conclude.

It will certainly be complicated by a kind of intelligence structure of Schmidt's experts, whom he leads around Western embassies to prepare some solutions for state property. Such an attempt to resolve state property is a dangerous precedent, going beyond all possible norms and principles, so it is clear that the nervousness caused by such actions of the High Representative on state property issues could escalate into a crisis that will completely halt all other processes.

On the other side are those who declaratively advocate for resolving the issue of state property as it has been resolved in well-ordered states—the titular owner of the property is the state, and lower levels of government can dispose of it. However, that bloc, the pro-Bosnian political structure, effectively does little to ensure their vision of a solution is even on the negotiating table.

Preoccupied with political topics and conflicts, they have completely pushed state property aside, even though all serious parties have signed the Declaration on State Property. Yet, despite that declaration, state property is registered in the cantons and municipalities, and in the RS at the entity level.

Given that this bloc is the only one that somewhat represents the interests of the state, it is clear that before the escalation on this issue, it must wake up and start acting proactively. If we combine the issues of the Election Law and state property into a package of national importance, it is clear that the pro-Bosnian political bloc must establish an all-Bosnian assembly that will create proposals for solutions from which no member of that assembly will be allowed to back down.

Opposite them will be the separatists, who already have a significant advantage, and the fact that the international community wants to resolve state property through secret actions plays into the hands of the separatist Milorad Dodik.

They are left to wait, shake stability a little, and in return get state property, which would effectively give them, instead of a Dayton entity, a federative Republic of Srpska with all the elements needed for secession.

On the third side are those who have already registered what was needed on the coast and in the south, and they too will wait to see what Schmidt proposes, in order to weigh whether it aligns with the "legitimate" interest of the Croatian people.

The Bosnian socio-political pot has never been at such a boiling point, and autumn and the beginning of winter could bring the final resolution of the Bosnian question. Because, once the electoral math and territory are resolved, the dilemma of whether Bosnia and Herzegovina is a unified state or a sick organism whose life support will soon be turned off will also be resolved.

The pro-Bosnian patriotic front has never been more stretched or in worse times, and if it does not regroup and come to its senses before the games that are about to begin, the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina will face its greatest trial since the dual aggression committed against it.

Everyone in that pro-Bosnian bloc knows the diagnosis and therapy; the only thing needed is to find a way to apply the therapy to a seriously ill patient. If they find it, history will record their names as the last line in the final defense of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Otherwise, their names will be written in black letters in the dark end of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The state is calling, is there anyone to answer?