From Dayton to the Bosniak Ghetto "Welcome - Welcome"

Three interpretations of Annex IV of the Dayton Peace Agreement through the Decisions of the Constitutional Court of BiH have provided a good basis for its upgrade, and even the adoption of a new constitution for Bosnia and Herzegovina. These are Decisions in the cases: the constitutionality of all peoples throughout BiH, state property, and the unconstitutionality of January 9th as the state holiday of Republika Srpska.
The interpretations of the Constitutional Court of BiH in these cases have not been implemented, they have been translated into BiH reality, and ultimately they have enabled the preservation of existing unconstitutional situations. 
BiH's administrative arrangements, entities, and cantons have retained and irreversibly built structures of ethnic exclusivity. Constitutional changes have not visibly occurred, but processes of strong ethno-autonomies have reached their goals, so BiH has lived a different constitutional reality, distant and opposed to the letter and spirit of Dayton.
 

We are witnessing the final act of these devastating processes these days, which at the given moment threaten to be translated into an irreversible new constitutional situation!
 

Novalić's Government of the FBiH has sent the Draft Law on Forests of the FBiH for public debate. Article 45 of this act states:
1. Forests and forest land are owned by the state (hereinafter state forests) and by natural and legal persons (hereinafter private forests)
2. State forests are owned by the FBiH
3. When the issue of ownership of state forests is regulated differently by BiH law than the provisions of paragraph 2 of this article, the provisions of BiH law shall apply.
 

The ownership inter-entity division of public goods of all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the end of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state of BiH. The proprietary transfer of public goods to the entities establishes an irreversible land registry border between the entities, and introduces them into the capacity of strong sovereign arrangements with the characteristics of newly formed states.
 

Dayton's Bosnia and Herzegovina is becoming a irreversibly lost hope for the reintegration and restoration of Bosnian statehood. I am far from thinking that the unfortunate Novalić is responsible for these solutions. It is more likely that Bosniak politics has strayed in its intention to preserve its own party power, and has "repentantly" agreed to read its own defeat as a euphemism for compromise.

The projects of ethno-territorial units in BiH are finally being realized.

The federal legal solution is merely a copy of the Law on Forests of Republika Srpska (which has never been constitutionally challenged, although it is certainly destructible by the letter of Dayton), which adopted an identical legal solution back in 2012.
It should be noted that the solutions from the RS Law are precisely those that Karadžić-Krajišnik determined by the Law on Forests back on May 31, 1994. It is suspected that by the final adoption of the federal law, the cantons will also acquire ownership of forest land.

Somehow strangely, the territory of the Federation could become a simple sum of the ownership of separate ethno-units of Bosniaks and Croats.

The lack of any reaction to these processes from the international community should be interpreted as "successful agreement of the parties in BiH", which is indeed a cunning mantra lately. The territory of arrangements in BiH (entities and cantons) is not synonymous with ownership of that territory, which was undoubtedly confirmed by the Constitutional Court's ruling on state property.

The natural resources and public goods of BiH are constitutionally not and cannot be the sole property of people in any entity or canton. Behind these unconstitutional, yet accepted solutions, there can only be a non-transparent and strong agreement among the most important political players in BiH. I would look for them among the perpetrators and followers of the Prud Agreement and the Banja Luka Agreement.

If the intended legal solutions are implemented, the vertical projection of such a BiH will finally place Bosnian Muslims, Bosniaks, in a land registry ghetto. Divided into three enclaves: Bosanska Krajina, Goražde, and Central Bosnia, in very short historical distances, they will become easy prey for regional turbulences. 
At the entrance to the Bosniak land registry district, it will soon read "Welcome to the Bosnian Muslim ghetto."