The will of the people cannot be Dodik's shield from prosecution for criminal acts; Karadžić also imposed collective guilt on Serbs!

Rasim Belko
AutorRasim Belko
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The will of the people cannot be Dodik's shield from prosecution for criminal acts; Karadžić also imposed collective guilt on Serbs!

(Patria) - He declared himself a vital interest of the entity Republika Srpska. He realized that the game he has been playing for two decades has entered its final stage and that there is no turning back. Milorad Dodik has made one of his last moves in preparing the dissolution and separation of the RS from Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Because Milorad Dodik's political portfolio is such that even if he wanted to, he cannot go back. He has squandered all chances to step off the secessionist path. And he is aware that he must continue along that path, even if it ultimately means his final end.

On every occasion when he undermined the constitutional and legal order of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dodik noted that he was doing so for the sake of the RS and its citizens. Thus attempting to hide his plan and its implementation behind a human shield—the residents of the RS. Many politicians and analysts fell for this game, claiming that Dodik is protected by the electoral will of the people in the RS.

And that is true, but only in the segment of exercising power according to laws and rules. For that, he received the trust of the citizens, although even that is largely fabricated. For all other matters, Dodik has no protection in the electoral will of the electorate. Therefore, any justification for the lack of reaction to Dodik's secessionism with the story of the electoral will behind him is actually a collectivization of responsibility for destabilization and an attack on the state.

If we go back to the 1990s, Radovan Karadžić did something similar by collectivizing his actions through the story of the interests of the Serbian people. From then until today, the Serbian people, especially a large number of honorable and honest individuals among them, have had a problem removing the civilizational shame from their collective.

If Dodik, those around him, and those who analyze him continue to shift the criminal acts of anti-constitutional activity onto the electoral will of the Serbian people, Bosnian Serbs will have another stain they must remove from the national collective. And we see that the political elites of Bosnian Serbs defend Dodik's anti-state policy precisely with messages that a large number of people support Dodik.

Thus, Mirko Šarović, former president of the SDS, tells us that what Dodik is doing has great support from the people. However, it is more likely that this is a lie, given that unions in the RS are announcing protests, salaries are delayed, the standard of living is low, and an economic apocalypse looms over the smaller BH entity.

Criminal responsibility is individual, and no resident of this country can be any kind of camouflage for covering up such actions. And Dodik has committed a criminal act and must answer for it. According to the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the acts he has committed.

This responsibility must primarily be sought by the Prosecutor's Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is not doing so, thereby becoming an accomplice in the coup d'état. However, all Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina who do not want possible destabilization to be imposed on them as collective guilt should seek criminal responsibility for Milorad Dodik's coup d'état. They already have experience with that.

Especially after the emergence of information that diplomatic shadows are preparing the ground for the removal of one of the biggest Balkan destabilizers—Milorad Dodik. These shadows have previously reacted offensively in similar situations, removing those determined to threaten peace and stability through extremist political behavior.

Dodik's path of secessionism has led him into a trap of his own desires. And according to the information we have, the noose of that trap is tightening around Dodik, and the process is accelerating.

It is therefore to be expected that in the coming months, Dodik could become a thing of the past in the political life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Arrest or abdication, irrelevant for the outcome of the game, but important for the state to show secessionists waiting for Baja's departure to try their model that it will not succeed.

That is why it is important for those people who support Dodik's anti-state game to realize the error of their path in time and turn to the only possible outcome—the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the Euro-Atlantic path.

Otherwise, the list of deeds that Serbian politicians have imposed on their people in Bosnia and Herzegovina will be extended. And that is hard to shake off.

Milorad Dodik is a perpetrator of criminal acts, and for that reason, he will have to leave and answer for them. The Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot be his protection, but that people can protect themselves and renounce the policies that, from Karadžić to Dodik, push them into a ghetto burdened with civilizational shame.

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