And that the international community in BiH changes its priorities

The first urgent session of the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose agenda included the appointment of members of the BiH delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in Strasbourg, was canceled because delegates from SNSD and HDZ did not attend the session.
Bosnia and Herzegovina has thus become the only one of the 47 member states of the Council of Europe that will not have its representative in that oldest European body, solely due to unconvincing political disagreements within the coalition partners SDA-SNSD-HDZ.

Dušanka Majkić from SNSD stated as the only excuse for why the delegates of this party did not come to the scheduled session that the session was convened outside the procedure. The Deputy Chairman of the House of Peoples, Dragan Čović, had a similar stance. In his demagogic style, he was surprised by the way the sessions were scheduled. He said that it was previously necessary to "create procedural and political prerequisites for holding the session of the House of Peoples," although he did not explain what those procedural and political prerequisites mean.

Every kind of rational thinking leads to the answer that Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the current political lineup of ethno-national political elites in the country, cannot get a government for a long time - not because the government cannot be established for some supernatural reasons, but because the vacuum position of Bosnia and Herzegovina at this moment best suits Izetbegović, Dodik, and Čović, each from their own perspective. Political power in BiH has long moved from parliaments into the hands of the presidents of the winning parties. Parliaments have lost their basic function, and in BiH today they serve only as a camouflage for democracy.

Managing the masses while fear and uncertainty are felt in the air is the narrow specialty of national policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina, while on the other hand, they have shown that they are not particularly adept at economic and other reforms. Honestly, observing the election cycles in BiH over the years, this kind of torment is also supported by the citizens themselves – every time someone moved away from national trench politics, they crashed to the ground like from an attic, like Martin Raguž, who by calling on citizens to love their homeland Bosnia and Herzegovina, lost or almost lost his voter base.

For Dodik and Čović, who have been working in sync for a long time, this kind of stalemate position of Bosnia and Herzegovina suits them because they can point a finger at how Bosnia and Herzegovina obviously does not function, while from the SDA they have an excuse to alarm voters on the matrix that Bosnia and Herzegovina is threatened, and that only those who defended it during the war, i.e., the SDA, can defend it.

It seems that the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina is not immune to this hypocrisy either. Calling on national leaders to establish authorities and implement complicated and demanding reforms in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina seems as dull as believing that national leaders can make or, even better, want to take that step towards the European Union.

Almost three decades after the end of the war, Bosnia and Herzegovina has shown that it cannot function for even an hour without international assistance, and that every time domestic fascists, criminals, and immature nobodies are allowed to do something on their own, that pie regularly turns out to be made of mud. That, of course, does not mean that there is no political waste among those who represent the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is enough to recall, for example, former High Representative in BiH Miroslav Lajčák and his dealings with Dodik, or the Head of the EU Delegation Lars Gunnar Wigemark and his socializing with Čović in Herzegovina's vineyards at the height of Čović's Ustasha-like activities in western Herzegovina.

Either way, with the international community, BiH has some chance, while without it, it has no prospects at all.

Is that international community really that powerful? Mladen Bosić revealed in a TV interview that Wigemark got into his car and, in the heaviest snow, set off from Sarajevo to Bijeljina, nearly 200 kilometers away, to lobby an SDS state deputy to support the introduction of excise duties on fuel, which ultimately happened. The LGBT community received strong support from embassies in Sarajevo, and there is no doubt that the September pride parade will be held in the capital of BiH, and to the highest standards. Or, it was enough just one conversation between Dodik and ambassadors of major Western countries for Dragan Lukač to revoke the formation of a reserve police unit in the RS. With millions of KM that Western countries donate to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which largely keeps most BiH citizens liquid, their ambassadors have considerable leverage to manage political processes in BiH. Therefore, comparing the factual situation on the ground, it is not an exaggeration to say that the international community in BiH gets everything that is in its interest, while for other issues they invoke the non-existent conscience of domestic politicians.

For the benefit of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is most important for a start that the international community changes its priorities. Investing energy in ensuring that a woman and a woman or a man and a man can walk hand in hand through Sarajevo's Ferhadija street, while at the same time not ensuring that they, as potential Jews, Roma, or members of Others, can run for the Presidency of BiH, or that they can elect a mayor if they live in Mostar, you will admit is a completely half-baked solution, even if it comes from the international community.