
Written by: Rasim Belko
When Feđa Isović wrote the script for the series Hilmijin konak, he could not have suspected that one of the roles in that series about the past would be a kind of reincarnation of a person from the future, in whose hands lies the key to stability in the Balkans.
Rugoba Agimi is an Albanian who works for the king and Serbian interests. He collects everything the king and the homeland need.
Agimi is a character from the 1940s. A new Albanian, in the 2020s, plays a role in Rugoba's style, only his role is completely real and extremely dangerous.
This is about Dritan Abazović, or as many call him, currently the most expensive politician in the Balkans. Because Abazović, despite his minor political power since Sunday's Montenegrin elections, holds in his hands the compass by which Montenegro will move in the coming years.
As a candidate of URA, Abazović offered a civic option for Montenegro, sailing on a ship that bombards DPS of Milo Đukanović. Immediately after the elections, Abazović stated that in the new government, which he announces will be expert-based, there is no place for DPS.
At the same time, this Albanian extends his hands and agrees on principles for coalition agreements with pro-Serbian and pro-Russian forces, which for months before the elections, in coalition with Orthodox clergy, were raising tensions.
Two questions are key to deciphering the political plans of Dritan Abazović.
Why did he reject the policy of Euro-Atlantic integration?
Because, whatever one thinks of Đukanović and his people, neither Abazović nor any other Montenegrin politician can nullify or erase the fact that it was precisely Đukanović and his structures that led Montenegro into NATO and brought it ahead of all countries on the path to the EU.
The policy of Đukanović's opponents, reduced to the story of endangered Orthodoxy, is merely a continuation of a policy motivated and developed in the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts - SANU.
Well-known architects have already built a solid network of bearers of pro-Serbian and pro-Russian interests.
It is led by Andrija Mandić, Nebojša Medojević, Milan Knežević, Marko Milačić, and most recently joined by Zdravko Krivokapić, and after the elections, Dritan Abazović also joins this camp. Between the agency of evil and European values.
The choice between evil created in Belgrade's cathedrals known for the crimes of the 1990s and what European and democratic values represent will definitively clear the fog around Abazović.
The decision he will make will place him on the historical highway. His choice is simple, between forces that pull forward and the servant of Greater Serbian politics, which will discard him like trash after his service.
Regardless of what he thinks about the previous government, that cannot and must not be an excuse for Abazović to cooperate with retrograde forces.
The story that Milo Đukanović is a dictator has long since fallen flat. Because Đukanović loudly and unequivocally stated that he will not interfere or hinder the formation of a government led by the former opposition. Abazović is neither young nor naive to be so easily deceived by the policy led by the echelon of the Serbian Orthodox Church and SANU in Montenegro.
His story that he does not know who is attacking Bosniaks during the post-election celebration and why is unconvincing, and it is hypocritical that he asks what he has to do with it all.
He lies or pretends, but Abazović certainly knows that he actually gave reason to the rampaging bloodthirsty ones with Chetnik badges of origin who attack and threaten.
Because, if Abazović had not promised to be against Milo and for a Serbian Montenegro, those masses, those Chetniks would not be rampaging through the streets of Montenegro.
That is far from a European, civic, and peaceful Montenegro. And none of the mentioned versions of Montenegro, which guarantee peace in the region, are accepted by Dritan Abazović's future coalition partners.
And Abazović has become a modern Vasilije of Ostrog. A saint, and an Albanian. He is more celebrated in Belgrade than in the Albanian community of Montenegro. Either it is the end of the world soon, or Abazović is a project prepared for a long time.
Because, on the political scene of Montenegro for four years, structures involved in the attempted coup d'état have been active, in which both Serbian and Russian agencies contributed.
Whether Abazović was their project timed for the right moment, we do not know, but it is up to him to answer that question.
Not with words, only with deeds.
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