
By: A. Čorbo-Zećo
Listening to the voice of the public and citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina who, in an instinctive way, understand the political reality much better than the acclaimed political analysts on TV screens, the Patria News Agency concludes that the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, despite all diplomatic activities that did not favor pro-Bosnian forces, activities that threatened to lead to a definitive ethnic division, has for now been temporarily defended.
The next year will bring a reckoning with the secessionist policy of Milorad Dodik, as the policy of Dragan Čović and HDZ has been thoroughly defeated, both by the domestic and European public.
We must not be naive in any way; discussions about amendments to the Election Law of BiH, through which attempts will again be made to find a modality that would satisfy Čović's impossible political demands, will likely be on the table again, but certainly with much less chance of success.
However, this year ended ingloriously for Čović, just like previous ones in which he announced the 'adoption of the election law by the end of the year'. And so the years went by, and we never reached the end of December with an adopted Election Law. And the biggest culprit for this was Čović himself, who, with his maximalist demands, doomed every form of negotiation to failure. Such a situation should primarily be viewed in the context of establishing a minimum of pro-Bosnian civic unity in preserving the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
That unity would not have been possible if the fratricidal war between the two largest civic parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, SDP and DF, had not finally ended.
We assess that the end of the futile hostilities between SDP as the largest civic party and Željko Komšić as the most prominent politician of civic provenance is the best thing that could have happened for Bosnia and Herzegovina and pro-Bosnian politics at the end of the year.
It is clear that SDP and DF are not in any alliance, as one is in power at the state level, and the other at the cantonal level.
However, the truth is that the very end of this long-standing public and media animosity prevents anyone from the right-wing political spectrum from being lenient towards the demands of HDZ and SNSD when it comes to the most crucial political issues in the country concerning its future. This was evident in the issue of amending the Constitution and the Election Law of BiH, when SDP made the move of the year by deciding to leave the negotiations as long as Milorad Dodik's attack on the constitutional order continued. Such a move was welcomed by pro-Bosnian civic options.
And despite all previous disagreements, it seems that it was precisely these two political options that found the strength at a crucial moment to overcome their animosities and put the interest of the state first.
On the other hand, this most annoyed Čović, as well as some other policies in BiH, which in recent years, in alliance with international officials who are working against Bosnia and Herzegovina to such an extent that they are arranging special sessions of the National Assembly of Republika Srpska with secessionists. Everything was done, even more than what was within their power, to persuade domestic political actors to accept the kind of political solutions that would lead to the disintegration of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Dragan Čović, in his self-confidence and belief that he could break the pro-Bosnian and civic parties, did not hesitate to publicly support Milorad Dodik's genocidal policy.
And when some thought that Čović was alone, Fahrudin Radončić, the leader of SBB, proved them wrong. By maintaining his alliance with Čović, he tried to justify HDZ's insults to the victims of genocide, which was met with public outrage.
Čović did not succeed, not even with the support of Radončić, as well as Mirsad Kukić (PDA), who publicly threatened that "if there are no changes to the constitution and election law, then there are no elections," and many international officials, whose plan was quickly exposed.
Čović and his partners are not the biggest political losers solely because of the moves they made by directly siding with those who are working to dismantle the state, but also because their beliefs and ideas have finally been revealed in their 'true colors'.
The moment they truly spoke the language they really meant, everything became clear.
Except to those who fear their threats, and there are fewer and fewer of them.
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