Lučić's mirage for the naive: The fake conflict with Čović is a plan from Zagreb, not a fight against evil!

We have long written on these pages about how the value of a Bosnian Serb who comes to Sarajevo well-dressed, polished, and with a story about the homeland of Bosnia and Herzegovina increases. At that moment, practice shows, not only Bosniaks intoxicated by false multiculturalism but also all the values and achievements of the best among those Bosniaks or other proven patriots are thrown at their feet.

This was best shown, for illustration, by the example of Vojin Mijatović, among others. He came with the story of being 100 percent Serb and 101 percent Bosnian, played on the card of balm for the wounds of Sarajevo patriots, and reached the position of becoming the second person in the Government of the Federation of BiH as a citizen of Banja Luka.

For several days now, a similar scenario threatens to repeat Vojin's story about Sarajevo. The general enthusiasm for the Zagreb candidate for the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina is an indicator of general social disorientation in Sarajevo and an absolute lack of reputable and prepared politicians in the public space. The fact that Zdenko Lučić's way of speaking and his appearance have had an almost hypnotic effect on the pro-Bosnian public indicates a lack of such politicians from the pro-Bosnian political pool.

No one actually listened to the essence of what Lučić was saying, because if they had, they would have realized that his message is more dangerous than Čović's. Lučić sent a message to those who listen and understand that BiH Croats do not need a third entity, because they have incorporated it into the Federation entity through the Washington Agreement.

Simply put, what the policies of Prlić, Jelavić, Čolak, and Čović have done over the past thirty years in peacetime to delineate the territory of the former “Herceg-Bosna”, Lučić sees as a third entity, but he says it in a way that is acceptable to the pro-Bosnian public, who, after his words “Bosnia is my country,” stopped listening to him substantively.

And then this Lučić announces that he will not only win but be a member of the BiH Presidency for two consecutive terms, then sends the message: “We will strengthen the Federation.” And of course, no one in the pro-Bosnian public critically asks why a man who announces he will be a member of the BiH Presidency sends a message that he will strengthen one entity of the state.

If Bosnia and Herzegovina were not organized the way it is, perhaps that would make sense because he is elected in the territory of the Federation. However, given the current moment and all that we have heard about the possible organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is clear that Lučić, as a direct representative of Andrej Plenković's interests, sees the Federation entity as a set goal and a space where the Republic of Croatia is realizing or will realize control.

This is essentially a translation of his message that he will strengthen the Federation, as a space of Croatian interest and influence. And here, apart from the manner of presentation and execution, there is no difference between Čović and Lučić.

There is no difference in the understanding of the term legitimate either. Of course, Lučić, as another from the family of Herzegovinian “džudžani”, plays a clever burrowing game, so with the alleged illegitimacy of Slaven Kovačević, he uses the same term for Čović, but links it to a different period.

Lučić's hope that the Central Election Commission of BiH will remove Kovačević from the candidate list determines his real goal and largely reveals that the alleged conflict between Lučić and Čović is actually a therapy of illusionism for Bosniaks, who should believe “the man who came to overthrow Čović.” Although in a normal society such a game would be exposed in two hours, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, hardly anyone thinks about it.

On the other hand, Zagreb's mirage about Kovačević's “identity changes” is not promoted with the conviction that the CEC will actually remove him, but that voters who believe in or desire a civic state will turn their backs on him. Because Kovačević is as much a Croat as Stipe Mesić, but because of his appeal that every person in BiH has equal rights, he has come onto the radar of intelligence mantras and spins from Zagreb, and Lučić, as an old intelligence officer of the Tuđman family, knows how to use this.

And finally, but most importantly, is Lučić's message: “I am against Dragan Čović, not against HDZ! I cannot be against the HDZ that I have been building for years! Dragan Čović appeared in 1998! Where is Čović's war path? In which army did he fight, against whom? After so many years, it is time to reveal some things!”.

Therefore, Lučić is for the policy of HDZ, which is essentially identical to Dodik's - secessionist! Likewise, Lučić, targeting the Croatian population, prides himself on creating the HDZ, which means that the policy of that party is also his policy, which in turn fundamentally shatters the dreams of the suffering pro-Bosnian pool about a Croat who came to overthrow Čović.

Because, if Lučić truly cared about the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and about the Croats whom Čović's HDZ has driven away, he would have fought against Čović's and his cadres' crime and corruption over the past years and decades, but also against their secessionist policies.

The fake conflict that is being created in the narrative and perception between Lučić and Čović has the consequence of winning over Bosnians and Herzegovinians, patriots, or creating a false image for them that Kovačević will surely win, so they don't have to vote for him.

However, all those who have been blinded by the good propaganda of Tuđman's operative must know that only a vote for Kovačević is an opportunity to prevent the Croatization of the Federation, i.e., Zagreb's hegemonic goal, identical to what Belgrade has towards the RS.