Personal Reflection by Mario Šimović: Nermin Nikšić is a Prophet of Democracy!

By Mario Šimović

The elections for the president of a major party in any country in the world are always more than just the election of a party president, as they determine the path that the entire country will take along with the party. There is no doubt that such elections are also for the president of the SDP in BiH, the leading opposition party in the country.

The favorite for the SDP presidency is the current president, Nermin Nikšić, so this is an opportunity to analyze his four years in office and see how much his actions have changed the party and the country.

The position of captain of a sinking ship is not something you want to be in, and the SDP ship was sinking like the Titanic, so the very candidacies of Nermin Nikšić and Jasmin Imamović in the last elections deserve respect. The winner of the elections, Nermin Nikšić, immediately took an unprecedented step in the political tradition of these regions – he appointed his rival in the elections, Jasmin Imamović, as his closest associate. In most parties in these regions, the defeated candidate is disqualified by the victor, and often expelled from the party. The best example is, of course, HDZ Croatia, where former president Jadranka Kosor was expelled from the party, and former president Tomislav Karamarko was completely marginalized. The fact that this has nothing to do with the ideological position of the party, but with the legacy of totalitarianism that all parties and individuals nurture, is best illustrated by the example of Naša stranka and their attitude towards former president Dennis Gratz, who was completely marginalized along with his associates.

This was Nermin Nikšić's first major move, and a testament to it is his most important ally throughout his term, and for the upcoming party elections, Jasmin Imamović. The result of this is also the great victory of the SDP and Jasmin Imamović in Tuzla in the Municipal and General Elections.

Nermin Nikšić's second major task was to expand the SDP into the Republika Srpska and western Herzegovina. This is certainly the most demanding task and has a much broader significance than just expanding the party. It is a question of whether the multi-ethnic fabric of Bosnia and Herzegovina can be renewed. Nikšić faced many challenges on this path. New members from Republika Srpska had to meet two requirements; not to question the dominant Bosniak narratives about the last war, but at the same time not to open a wide front against the dominant narratives in Republika Srpska. Simply put, not to come into conflict with the majority Bosniak electorate in the Federation and not to come into conflict with the majority electorate in Republika Srpska to which you are addressing. The SDP found this in the figures of Vojin Mijatović and Draško Aćimović. Regardless of all the problems the SDP faced in Republika Srpska, the poor election results, and Draško Aćimović's departure, we can safely say that Nikšić succeeded. Mijatović's appearance raised questions about what it means to be an "acceptable Serb" in the Federation. The SDP has a strong voice in Banja Luka in the figure of Vojin Mijatović, which was most evident during the protests in Republika Srpska, where Mijatović emerged as one of the opposition leaders. The fact that things are not just cosmetic is evidenced by Mijatović already being one of the leaders of the SDP of Bosnia and Herzegovina and a close associate of Nikšić.

Regardless of the attacks by Bosniak nationalists on President Nikšić, the SDP has managed to establish a principle of historical significance for BiH – to be acceptable in any territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina regardless of ethnic affiliation and to have full empathy for every victim of the war. Everything else is not subject to public debate.

The third challenge and task that Nikšić faced was the unification of the left, which was also a congress decision, as emphasized today by former president Zlatko Lagumdžija. Very soon after being elected president of the SDP, Nikšić met with Dennis Gratz and Željko Komšić in Mostar, where cooperation was agreed upon, which would result in joint appearances. Unfortunately, the initial agreement was not honored, which resulted in the loss of the Centar municipality in Sarajevo, as well as dozens of other municipalities that would have been under the control of the left had there been a joint appearance. Aware of this, the moral authorities of the civic scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Prof. Dr. Nerzuk Ćurak and renowned director Dino Mustafić, together with non-governmental organizations, organized a joint gathering of left-wing intellectuals and leaders of civic parties in Jahorina. The result of that gathering was the Jahorina Declaration, which insisted on a joint appearance, but also clearly indicated that civic parties would not enter into a post-election coalition with national parties. Unfortunately, that declaration was also a dead letter. The left went to the elections separately and with as many as three candidates for the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Even divided, they achieved the best overall election result. Immediately after the elections, Nikšić formed the "BH Blok," consisting of the SDP, DF, and Naša stranka. The BH Blok disintegrated for well-known reasons, and now the real question for Professor Lagumdžija – and not just for him – is what more could Nermin Nikšić have done than what he did to unite the left.

Regardless of the fact that Lagumdžija is a computer science professor, he is still obliged to use formal logic and honestly say that Nikšić could not have done more than he did.

Even though these results are sufficient to say that Nikšić's mandate was very successful, the most important thing for the SDP and for the entire society is the internal democratization of the SDP, which Nikšić represents to the entire BH society as a categorical imperative. Because, it is not necessary to engage in political philosophy for it to be clear to you that the main burden of the SDP is former president Zlatko Lagumdžija.

Even though Lagumdžija has only been a member of the SDP since 2014 without any influence on the leadership, in the mind of the average voter, he was still the one leading the party from the shadows. By expelling Lagumdžija from the party, the SDP would surely win an additional 5-8 percent of votes in the municipal and general elections. Most party leaders would get rid of that burden immediately, but not Nermin Nikšić.

Fully aware that percentages are not as important as the fundamental values of Western civilization and liberal democracy, Nikšić allowed Lagumdžija to work against him all the time, while in the eyes of the average voter, he was perceived as his ally.

As long as he does not violate the party statute, Lagumdžija and his allies are welcome in the SDP because the establishment of democracy in BH society is more important to him than party profit and loss.

Nikšić was also mild and accommodating towards other dissenters within the party, some of whom led local organizations and directly worked against him. Critics of Nikšić's attitude said that he forgets that he is not a prophet but a politician, which is only partially true, because a society in democratic formation needs precisely prophets of democracy. So Nikšić – we can say this for BH political history – is not just the president of a political party but the founder of democratic procedures in the political practice of parties in BiH.

However, the real tests for the democracy established in the SDP come after the elections, where a very important decision had to be made: to enter government or remain in opposition. The arguments for entering government were very strong. The strongest cantonal committee of the party demanded entry, along with municipal mayors. The party treasury was certainly in favor of entering government, which would have solved all the problems with debts that all parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina face. Thousands of SDP members also saw their own entry into government, which is not something to be ignored. On the other hand, there was the promise to voters that they would not enter into government with national parties. Most importantly, on the other side were SDA, HDZ, and SNSD with a perfect clientelistic mechanism, more perfect than Guardiola's Barcelona. Of course, those who claim that SDP's allies are no less distant from ethical norms and corruption than national parties are also right, but what distinguishes them is the long-term nature of the corruption system. Then Nikšić does not decide which arguments are more important and better; he opts for another lesson in democracy and leaves the decision to the Main Board. The consequence of this is a historic day for BH democracy – February 9th and the session of the SDP Main Board. All day, members of the SDP Main Board, in an atmosphere of mutual respect and appreciation, exchanged arguments about entering or not entering government. It was a complete triumph of the policy that Nermin Nikšić had pursued for the last four years. It was the most important day in the political history of parties in BiH. That day, without any pathos, is a historic day for democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the end, the decision was made not to enter government, and all delegates unanimously stated that they would respect the decision regardless of who advocated which thesis.

It is quite clear that the democratic transition led by Nermin Nikšić in BH society has not ended, and therefore he needs a new mandate. A mandate that will surely be marked by strengthening democracy within the SDP, strengthening the SDP in Republika Srpska and western Herzegovina. A serious confrontation with the negative aspects of the past and various totalitarian forms of thinking throughout our history. Who can do this? For that, we need a miracle that only a prophet of democracy can provide.

Mario Šimović is a long-time civic activist from Čapljina. He is a member of the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina.