
Written by: Rasim Belko @rasimbelko
The rule of the last Euro-communists under the banner of social democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina ended last time in fire and smoke. Cantonal governments burned, as did the building of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The lost working class, suffocated by reform paths and impoverished by capitalist privatization, hit a wall and decided to try to tear it down.
Those were the last somewhat serious protests by citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which panicked the authorities to the point that they called for a saving solution from one media outlet to another. It was the end of the rule of the SDP and Prime Minister Nermin Nikšić. The subsequent elections showed how the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina know how and can punish political representatives for whom the state and power are merely a means of achieving personal interests. The SDP was reduced to a minimum and needed almost a decade to recover.
And recovery would not have come if the US administration, which behaves in Bosnia and Herzegovina like France in Niger, had not created the Troika project as a political bloc against all those who advocate for the interests of Bosnia and Herzegovina but are not on the tracks of American interests.
As such a bloc, the Troika is a partner in government at both the state and federal levels, but the other two partners treat it as a political miscarriage whose only task is to work as needed by the HDZ and SNSD. The political and social crisis we are living through in a year when, according to announcements from the SDP, “dawn” was supposed to break, clearly speaks of the completely misguided idea of the US administration and Ambassador Michael Murphy. Until the 2022 elections and the appearance of the international factor’s useful idiot Christian Schmidt, it was said that things were not good, and today it is said that the state is on the verge of dissolution, collapse, or war. Because there is no peaceful dissolution, and dissolution has long been in preparation. De facto, it is underway, because the SNSD, which skillfully pumps money from state funds into the budget of the RS thanks to political miscarriages, is only waiting for the geopolitical second to factually repeat the famous “Goodbye Bosnia, welcome Rsexit”.
The political miscarriage called the Troika in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina is merely a springboard for Čović’s interests, completely identical to Dodik’s. There are no laws that would return the more successful entity to the path of progress; in fact, there is no serious legislative or executive work of the government, and everything has been turned into a tragicomic attempt to create the image that something is functioning. Schmidt congratulated them the other day, because a dysfunctional system in Bosnia and Herzegovina suits Schmidt, only then can he impose solutions with fascistoid aggression that he calls good for the state and for which particularly unintelligent beings like Forte and his ilk run.
The institutional landslide along which Bosnia and Herzegovina and everything in it is moving inevitably produces a clouding of the mind for the majority of citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A significant portion of these citizens have weighed anchor and sought happiness as far from the homeland as possible. Those who remain endure and will endure to the maximum of their abilities. And when those abilities run out, a replay of 2014 will occur, but I am almost certain in a much worse and hard-to-stop form. Because I wrote long ago that the rule of Nermin Nikšić and his SDP, now reinforced by refugees from the SDA (NiP) and the party for the protection of the rights of selected categories (NS), ends in flames, ashes, and smoke.
The accumulation of discontent is allowed to the extent that the balloon being filled with that discontent is resistant. And I would say it is too resistant, so we will wait a while longer for it to burst, but not too far off. But when it bursts, it will be difficult to “smooth over” the situation, because the polarization of all scales in this society between those of a comfortable life and those of a hellish life will have to reach its zenith.
I often hear, and not infrequently I myself utter, the observation that the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina perhaps do not deserve better, because they are not on the streets. But if we look at the overall situation and the way Bosnia and Herzegovina is organized, it is easy to conclude why this is so. There have been several large protests in front of the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina. And only a few have yielded results, because the principle of government replaceability is unknown in the constitutional and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Because Bosnia and Herzegovina does not have the institute of early elections that would allow citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina to demand changes of a government that works against the interests of the state, citizens, and overall well-being through the democratic right of protest from the streets. Because of this, all or almost all protests have ended up tying a can to a cat’s tail, because the government in Bosnia and Herzegovina is currently an unchangeable category.
Therefore, in light of the current debate on electoral integrity, one should talk about introducing the institute of early elections as a democratic option for unblocking, and there are plenty of blockades and obstructions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also as an option for citizens so that when they show what they think of the government, they have the right to correct electoral mistakes with new, early elections.
None of the democracy couriers from the West talk about this when they bring tasks to Bosnia and Herzegovina, so it is justified to suspect that the leading ones in the West (USA, Great Britain…) are not served by the principle of government replaceability, because obviously that would also mess up their calculations.
Christian Schmidt has announced the imposition of a package of electoral integrity that includes electronic voting. The political miscarriages ran and were the first to support it, which gives grounds for asking why such a system suits them as the government. And by the way, that system is not used by 95 percent of Western countries. It is up to all those who wish well for this state and are in political waters to propose the institute of early elections, because that item in the Electoral Law would prevent the long-term blockades of processes that we could and should have completed so far.
Because all technology in the electoral system is meaningless and ineffective if we will continue to watch in the future how Čović holds the Federation hostage until his wishes are fulfilled, and Dodik and Čović hold the state hostage for the same reasons. And we will not be able to exert democratic pressure to call early elections and elect those who will be able to cope with the wishes of Čović, Dodik, Plenković, and Vučić.
The issue of early elections is a question of the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, because the crisis has lasted too long and there is no basis for anyone to expect it to resolve itself. If the long-overinflated balloon bursts, the consequences that arise could be irreparable.
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