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Coldly, routinely already spoken, from the beast's den, an order was issued for the murder of thousands of innocent men, elderly, and children: "Place the packages in the warehouses by tomorrow at 12." The genocide in Srebrenica was also concluded by Karadžić's order.
The measure for one Srebrenica soul is one and a half days, totaling forty years of imprisonment.
With the neutral, innocence-absolved term "unfortunate conflict in the region," the war in Bosnia and against Bosnia ended with the Dayton Peace Agreement in a state of unfinished conflict.
A conspiracy of silence and the desire to decipher the character and nature of the war lasted for almost twenty-five years. Historical distance, changed international contexts, and the passing of contemporaries of the events created opportunities for falsifying truths about the events, including the very character of the Bosnian war. False "truths" were robustly imposed, and the interpretation of Dayton was adapted to them. Perceptions of a civil war in BiH, a religious-national Bosnian war, a jihadist-fundamentalist clash of civilizations, and who knows what else were accepted. Maneuvering space was created for the constitutional-legal legalization of the effects of JOINT CRIMINAL ENTERPRISES in the war against Bosnia.
The proven and adjudicated universal joint criminal enterprise in the Karadžić case negates all falsified qualifications of the character of the Bosnian war. That war nevertheless remains historically and internationally legally defined by the character of a joint criminal enterprise and aggression against Bosnian statehood. We still need to decipher the constitutional-legal and political achievements of the proven joint criminal enterprises and adapt reality and the future to them. These are indeed issues of political catharsis for the Serb people.
The Dayton constitutional design, it is certain, cannot withstand and justify the remediation of consequences for Bosnian statehood by adjudicated joint criminal enterprises. The accumulated joint criminal enterprise undermines the very Dayton constitutional-administrative framework and obliges the guarantors of Dayton to adapt it to the state of possibilities for restitution before the effects of the joint criminal enterprise.
Judgments in the Šešelj, Mladić, and Stanišić cases will certainly support this position. In the Karadžić case, they, along with the JNA and Arkan Ražnatović, are mentioned as important co-perpetrators of the joint criminal enterprise.
All of this also points to the undeniable and proven participation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) in the entire criminal enterprise.
The basis for eliminating the effects of adjudicated joint criminal enterprises has been created and it is binding, and the issue of its usability and success is primarily the responsibility of the international community and the guarantors of Dayton, but no less so for Bosnian-Herzegovinian actors and elites.
Anything else would be the legalization of the effects of the most serious international criminal offenses.
Individual guilt has been adjudicated, but the perpetrators are symbols of the wrong policies of an era and the mass suffering within it, with collective consequences.
If they and those policies have been adjudicated and punished, then their effects must also be revised and relegated to the past.
Somewhat strangely, simultaneously with the Hague's deciphering of the character of the Bosnian war, a creeping, prolonged joint criminal enterprise is also occurring, and Bosnia is being offered a cuckoo's egg of consociational federalism for the future as a pledge for a new era. That offer is nothing other than a constitutional endorsement of the mental and all other destructions resulting from the joint criminal enterprises in the war against Bosnian statehood.
Coldly, routinely already spoken, from the beast's den, an order was issued for the murder of thousands of innocent men, elderly, and children: "Place the packages in the warehouses by tomorrow at 12."
The eerie echo of what was spoken could be repeated by another madman in a den in the Balkans, distant Scandinavia, across Europe, or in any other corner of the world.
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