Dodik cannot be stopped by political elites from Sarajevo as long as their budgets are more important than the state

Written by: Ernad Metaj

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In activities leading to the destruction of BiH, SNSD President Milorad Dodik does not stop. Active in the field, constantly present in the media and outside BiH, he is implementing his set agenda step by step. The BiH Prosecutor's Office can stop him, but that possibility is, at least for now, only theoretical. The US and the EU can stop him, but that is also a long shot. Because of this, dark clouds have gathered over BiH, and for their dissipation, among domestic political forces loyal to the idea of a sovereign and unified BiH, there seems to be neither an idea nor the strength for now.

The SDP's gathering of political partners around the idea of not negotiating the amendments to the Election Law of BiH and constitutional reforms as long as there is a threat of BiH's collapse seemed encouraging. The problem is that this does not end the fight against secessionism. This should have been the starting point for developing further activities to neutralize the policies of Milorad Dodik, as well as Dragan Čović, who survives exclusively on concessions from the SNSD.

The battle for BiH cannot be won with patriotic statements on social networks, which is what the policy that should be a counterpart to Milorad Dodik's secessionism has been reduced to lately. In doing so, they (un)reasonably underestimate Dodik's seriousness and strength, believing that he will be scared by talk of readiness to defend the homeland with a rifle.

While not wishing to dispute that this readiness is important, such statements are currently precisely what Dodik constantly desires. Simply put, his survival depends exclusively on the further radicalization of relations in BiH. However, one should not overlook the fact that social and political chaos also suits most of those who are used to feeding from the budget, especially the structures in power.

On the other hand, the battles for budgets seem more important to the opposition than the fight for the state. Therefore, there is a real danger that the pre-election campaign in FBiH will be disastrous for the survival of the state. For Dodik, the story of the RS's independence and the destruction of state institutions is also his pre-election story. It cannot be countered exclusively by the battle for supremacy in Sarajevo and in federal institutions. Nor can the healing of the vanity of party leaders due to personal animosities, which mutual negative labeling implies, lead to a meaningful and decisive joint response to secessionist policy. SDP Vice-President Denis Bećirović warned of this in his New Year's greeting.

- At the beginning of 2022, I publicly call on the presidents of the ruling and opposition parties not to conduct negotiations on important state issues without the current Chairman of the BiH Presidency, Željko Komšić, a man who received the greatest trust of the citizens of our country in the last general elections. Our homeland, in these difficult moments, needs unwavering fighters, not "political spineless individuals." We must all be maximally cautious, well-organized, well-trained, and active as never before. We must not be surprised by any scenario in 2022, because even 1% of political extremists positioned in important functions can lead 99% of the population into collective misfortune, Bećirović stated, among other things.

The battle for BiH is not won in Sarajevo. The desire of Bosniaks alone is not enough to preserve BiH, which is why it is unreasonable to expect that SDP Vice-President Vojin Mijatović alone can carry out the battle in Banja Luka. Lest we be misunderstood, we mean exclusively an attempt to increase the number of Serb votes that are for BiH.

The largest part of the politics from Sarajevo gave up on the RS long ago. Confirmation of this is the SDP's objection to Fadil Novalić's government that, by planning the budget, it has again betrayed returnees, and also deceived SDA leader Bakir Izetbegović, which partly blunts the edge of the Movement for the Homeland. This movement today represents the only serious force that can be a response to the madness of the authorities in the RS. This movement reminds us that 25 years have been lost in the fight for the state through the abuse of funds that were supposed to ensure sustainable return.

This movement is also a warning to civic parties that for 25 years they have been building a false image of multi-ethnicity, reducing their own survival to collecting crumbs left behind by the SDA. One must be brave and honest to admit that multi-ethnicity cannot be reduced to a balanced leadership structure of the party that was unable to spread the idea to the entire territory of BiH. This allowed the story of a civic BiH to be misused as the desire of Bosniaks for a unitary state in which, as a majority, they would impose their will on other peoples, with the help of "suitable" Serbs and Croats.

Without the support of the international community, the battle for the salvation of BiH could be reduced to armed incidents, and perhaps even a new conflict. Therefore, it is of great importance to strengthen foreign policy activities in order to first preserve the interest of BiH's friends, but also to convince those who are hesitant when it comes to the fate of these regions. Currently, it seems that the pre-election battles in FBiH have taken away the momentum that was initiated towards constant contact with European and American officials, on whose will the fate of BiH may also depend. Financial support for lobbying, as well as for the political struggle in the RS, is no less important than the fight for mothers in Sarajevo, and now the rest of FBiH. Without the RS, it will be the futile policy of the blind to understand how they will end up in a ghetto, or they don't care because they expect their share of the spoils from the budget even there.