SARAJEVO'S POLITICAL JUNK ON THE ZAGREB MENU: What order did Plenković, the führer of Brussels manners and ruler of half of Bosnia, issue?

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By Rasim Belko


A government not elected by the people and citizens cannot have a sense of the people's and citizens' life problems. And in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the government is exactly like that, not of the people or anti-people. A plastic political project, originating from Sarajevo, not only lacks electoral capacity but strives to distance itself as much as possible from the realpolitik foundations that Sarajevo has long been propagating. There is less and less of the state since the Westerners installed them as a reformist - liberal force. Such entities are incapable of opposing ideological political projects.

Because the Trojka, as a project of the US Embassy, exists on the skill of realpolitik. That is why they are the best example that political theory and practice are not always on the same wavelength. Because Konaković, Nikšić, and Forto, as officials of "realpolitik" extending a hand from Sarajevo, not only lack a strategic plan but the only plan they have is how to survive where they don't belong - in power. Fear makes eyes big, fear for their seats closes eyes, and frightened political weaklings just huddle and await their fate.

And while the democratized representatives of realpolitik from Sarajevo perform on the matrix of "it will be, if possible," the ideological political platform of Milorad Dodik and Dragan Čović continues to function on the matrix of realizing the plans of the Belgrade and Zagreb academies of sciences and arts. And in those plans, the priority above all others is Karađorđevo, i.e., the realization of the Milošević-Tuđman plan for the division of Bosnia. They have not and will never give up, and the water that the Europeans in Western institutions in Sarajevo bring to their mill accelerates the realization of the path to the division of BiH.

And that path led the state government (Council of Ministers of BiH) to Zagreb, to their mentor Andrej Plenković, who is supposed to explain the path to the European Union to the "stupid" Bosnians and Herzegovinians. Even the blind in BiH can clearly feel that the path our country is taking under the EU flag leads to its disappearance.

The joint session of the Government of the Republic of Croatia and the Government of BiH passed like bad sex, of which the foreplay in two acts was more interesting. The first took place in Neum, where Dragan Čović, with a delegation from the Government of the Republic of Croatia, discussed border crossings, infrastructure, and similar matters, even though the leader of the BiH HDZ is not a member of the executive government.

Then Dodik, through Košarac, launched the topic of postponing nuclear waste in Trgovska Gora, which largely threatens Dodik's entity (49 percent of the occupied territory, a Dayton category Republika Srpska).

What Čović and Košarac pushed for and what was placed on the agenda of the joint session was agreed upon through conclusions. In essence, the session is almost insignificant, and what was agreed upon could have largely been agreed upon in meetings of line ministers. In that case, however, two things would not have happened. Plenković would not have shown who is the boss of half of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Dodik would not have confirmed the thesis that he will decide on both the state and the Muslims.

And where are the Muslims, where are their proposals or ultimatums? Perhaps they stayed with Murphy, but I doubt it; it's more likely they didn't even write them. Because they have no one to write for. While Dodik writes on behalf of Republika Srpska, while Čović writes on behalf of the virtual third entity, Murphy's Trojka has no one or nothing to write for.

To write on behalf of Sarajevo? No way, Sarajevo didn't elect them. To write on behalf of the state? They would, but they don't know how. And how could the head of diplomacy, Elmedin Konaković, a graduate of the State Institute for Physical Culture, write? Where could he have learned what political strategy means and how to run a state. The Minister of Transport and Communications, Edin Forto, also had nothing to write; he finished a little bit of faculties related to media, a little bit related to international relations, and then went into construction.

Therefore, there is no one from Bosnia to write or impose conditions, and there would be plenty to impose conditions on. From the fact that Croatia does not recognize the legally elected member of the Presidency of BiH Željko Komšić, to the fact that Croatia directly interferes in internal political matters, state property which is nowhere to be found in the session's agenda, but which has been confiscated in billions in Croatia, to the extradition of criminals and war criminals who walk freely in Croatia...

Ours don't know, but Plenković is a master of the impossible combination - Bismarck's realpolitik and Tuđman's nationalism based on the idea of Banovina borders. That is why Plenković has garnered very significant points with the international public, for himself and for Croatia's reputation. Because, while it is clear to everyone in Bosnia and Herzegovina that Croatia continues its political aggression, just like Serbia, the joint session of the two governments served to show the entire Western world how the Republic of Croatia cares for its disabled neighbor.

In the conclusions of the session, roads, railways, border crossings (what Čović agreed upon), and in the real sense of the effects, a political Grand Slam for the Government of the Republic of Croatia.

Therefore, the next time Schmidt or someone else makes a decision based on a draft from Zagreb, protests should be held in front of the headquarters of Narod i Pravda and Naša stranka. Because, the "leaders" sit there, or rather, the biggest culprits why, in the eyes of the world after the Zagreb act in two, we look so irrelevant that we can be wiped off the face of the earth without consequences.

This country is definitely run by followers of two convicted joint criminal enterprises. There can be no doubt about this if one looks at all the items concerning the "reformist" Council of Ministers. However, a question for reflection - what category do the accomplices of the followers of the policies and ideas of the joint criminal enterprise fall into?

Definitely not into pro-Bosnian politics, if they ever belonged to it?

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