Plan Change: Serbia's path to Tokyo reduced to protecting Serbs in the region

By Haris Ljevo

Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, after several years of civilized pro-European rhetoric, is slowly returning to his old habits and is increasingly using the language from twenty years ago, when he was considered one of the most radical nationalists in the Balkans.

Vučić has clearly realized that he has not managed to convince the vast majority of the public in the Balkans that he has truly changed with his pro-European rhetoric. Given that he has completely taken over all levels of government in Serbia and controls all public companies, there is no longer any need for pretense, so he has decided to return to his old ways.

Instead of talking about European integration, Vučić has begun working on pan-Serbian integration. Not a day goes by without Vučić or one of his close associates sending out some inflammatory message.

The current Serbian president, along with the President of Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik, has decided to emulate Slobodan Milošević and continue the project of "all Serbs in one state." Instead of the former SANU Memorandum, the current trend is the Declaration on the Status of Serbs in the Region.

In Novi Sad, where the 22nd anniversary of the expulsion of Serbs from Croatia in Operation Storm was marked twenty days ago at the FK Veternik stadium, they announced that the declaration on the status of Serbs in the region would be published on November 25 or 26, marking the 100th anniversary of the unification of Srem, Banat, and Bačka with the Kingdom of Serbia, or on December 1, on the occasion of the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Serbia and Republika Srpska are responsible for drafting the programmatic declaration.

The meeting in Novi Sad was attended by Serbian Patriarch Irinej, President of Republika Srpska Milorad Dodik, Prime Minister of Serbia Ana Brnabić, First Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia Ivica Dačić, President of the Provincial Government Igor Mirović, Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia and Minister of Internal Affairs Nebojša Stefanović, Minister of Defense Aleksandar Vulin, President of Matica Srpska Dragan Stanić, and Mayor of Novi Sad Miloš Vučević.

Although after announcing the adoption of the national declaration, Vučić emphasized that it was not a war-mongering declaration, but only a declaration on the protection of the cultural and linguistic identity of Serbs in the region, history teaches us that such resolutions must be taken very seriously.

Only 18 years have passed since the last war in these areas, the one in Kosovo, and some have clearly already longed for the rattling of weapons. Although the same political figures who led the way in the previous war are still on the scene, there are still enough people who fall for stories about war.

Not all refugees have returned to their homes yet, some will never return, and the presidents of Serbia and Republika Srpska are already announcing that they will defend the interests of all Serbs in the region. They are also publicly stating that Serbia and RS will one day be one country with no borders between them.

Vučić publicly offers protection and assistance to all Serbs in the region, and the expelled Serbs from Krajina can best testify to what that assistance looks like in practice. How good a host Serbia is to the people of Krajina is best shown by the fact that 22 years after Operation Storm, according to official data, 19,000 refugees from Krajina still live in collective centers with no hope for a better future. Tens of thousands have already left Serbia in search of a better life in the countries of the "hated" West, thousands of the oldest have long since died, and those who have found a better place to live in Serbia can be counted on one hand.

The only difference between Vučić now and Milošević then is that Vučić, together with Dodik, offers protection to all Serbs in the region, while Milošević was, perhaps, a greater Serb, so he "protected" all Serbs in the world. One only needs to recall the stories and media reports about Chicago as the second capital of Serbia or Serbia all the way to Tokyo.

Vučić is aware that many Serbs today are scattered across the globe precisely because they believed in Milošević's dream of all Serbs in one state. Today, instead of living in Greater Serbia, they live scattered from Australia to America, earning a living in countries that right-wing and nationalist Serbia accuses of "all the suffering Serbs are going through."

Aware that these people, who have all the conditions for a normal and carefree life in the countries of the "hated West," are not interested in talk of nationalism and war, Vučić and Dodik have narrowed their scope of action, turning to the region and to people who, due to the catastrophic economic situation, largely brought about by Vučić's and Dodik's "reforms," have few choices but to believe in nationalist myths.

The latest crisis between Belgrade and Skopje is the best indicator of what Aleksandar Vučić is capable of. He publicly stated that he has evidence that Macedonia is eavesdropping on Serbian officials, but he has not offered any proof.

In the past wars, Serbia was in conflict with all former Yugoslav republics except Macedonia (not counting Montenegro, as it was in a state union with Serbia), so it would not be fair, perhaps, not to quarrel with the Macedonians as well.

This time too, they are playing the victim. Just like in all previous cases.