Plenković's support or political aggression

SARAJEVO, (Patria) – Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković yesterday, after a meeting with HDZ BiH President Dragan Čović, attempted to send conciliatory messages, emphasizing Croatia's support for BiH on its path to the EU and NATO. In these conciliatory tones, the matrix on which the two HDZ parties build their relationship was reiterated: "legitimate representation of the smallest constituent people in BiH" in the context of the upcoming amendments to the Election Law of BiH. 

And precisely on Wednesday, Čović will begin negotiations with SDA President Bakir Izetbegović, in which he seeks amendments in such a way that Croats in BiH are represented exclusively by HDZ, or that the BiH Presidency member from the Croatian people is exclusively from that party, at least as long as Čović intends to run. It is known that Čović cannot forgive the "Komšić case," whom he often calls the second Bosniak member of the Presidency, and this will be a condition he will clearly set before the SDA. 

In this endeavor, Čović has the support of Plenković, who has come to Mostar countless times, avoiding any meeting with other BiH officials and bypassing Sarajevo or Banja Luka by a wide margin. Although BiH and Croatia could discuss numerous issues, such as the migrant crisis, the incursion of Croatian armed border guards into BiH territory, the final resolution of the state border which has been open since 1999, and the construction of a nuclear waste repository right on the border with BiH, Plenković considers it more important to interfere in BiH's internal affairs. 

In this way, the Prime Minister of Croatia is carrying out political aggression, and by ignoring BiH officials with whom he should meet, he clearly signals that he only formally respects the territorial sovereignty of friendly BiH.  

Although he almost always emphasizes Croatia's cooperation with all three constituent peoples, in practice this means only with Croats, and those who suit Čović and HDZ, and no further than Herzegovina and Central Bosnia. 
When you put respect for territorial sovereignty and respect for political parties in the same sentence, it is clear that it is a formality that he, as a Croatian official, must satisfy in order to leave as little room as possible for justified accusations of open interference in BiH's internal affairs. Because amendments to the Election Law are a matter for all political parties and all those who participate in the BiH Parliament, as they will affect future election cycles. However, Čović knew that such negotiations would be difficult, especially if Komšić, as the president of DF, who strongly opposes the amendments as desired by HDZ BiH, were also at the table. An additional problem is that Čović also makes the formation of the FBiH Government conditional on these amendments, the entire process of which is exclusively in the hands of HDZ. 

Čović is counting on reaching an agreement on the amendments with Izetbegović because SDA is already at a disadvantage with this FBiH Government, in which it lacks two ministers. If Izetbegović agrees to Čović's ultimatum, the biggest loser will be the state of BiH and its citizens, who will never escape the vicious cycle of nationalist pretensions of Čović and HDZ.