
(Patria) - The International Institute for Middle Eastern and Balkan Studies (IFIMES) from Ljubljana, Slovenia, regularly analyzes events in the Middle East and the Balkans. The International Institute IFIMES on the occasion of the adoption of the Law on Freedom of Religion in Montenegro on December 27, 2019, analyzes current events in that country. From the extensive analysis "Montenegro 2020: Will the Montenegrin Orthodox Church become a Uniate Church?", we highlight the most interesting parts.
On December 27, 2019, the Law on Freedom of Religion or Belief and the Legal Status of Religious Communities was adopted in the Parliament of Montenegro. The adoption of the law prompted sharp reactions and protests from the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) and opposition political parties in the country.
Affected by years of internal factional struggles, the Serbian Orthodox Church has not found adequate answers on how and in what way to adapt its activities after the fall of Slobodan Milošević (SPS), the signing of peace agreements for Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo (Dayton and Kumanovo Agreements), the declaration of Montenegro's independence in 2006, and especially after the direct military confrontation between Serbia and the United States and NATO in 1999. It is evident that the most influential part of the SOC still holds the positions of Slobodan Milošević's policy. The most significant schism in the SOC occurred precisely after the declaration of Kosovo's independence in 2008.
Considering that the then Yugoslav and Serbian political nomenclature supported the secession and later the independence and autonomy of Montenegro, along with a part of the SOC which included the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral of the SOC, Amfilohije Radović, it seems that the current protests and "lamentations" from the SOC are one of the SOC's failed policies. It should not be forgotten that the SOC in Montenegro publicly opposed joining NATO, imposing sanctions on Russia, and attacked Montenegrin policy for recognizing Kosovo.
Analysts believe that the actions of the SOC in Montenegro, and in general, were predetermined by a double policy: condemning Montenegro's current policy while simultaneously protecting the material and other assets of the SOC, believing that the President of Montenegro and the Democratic Party of Socialists, Milo Đukanović (DPS), would not resort to the Law on Freedom of Religion, which could potentially deprive them of enormous material assets. Also, analysts believe that Metropolitan Amfilohije and President Đukanović will find a compromise, whether through court settlements and verdicts or direct negotiation. This would not be an exception, nor is it a new fact in their decades-long mutual relationship.
It is necessary to recall Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović's support for Milo Đukanović in 1997 when a conflict arose within the DPS between the then-president Momir Bulatović and Milo Đukanović. At that time, under very strange circumstances, Milo Đukanović dismissed Momir Bulatović and took over the leadership of the DPS. Amfilohije Radović played a very important role in 2006 after the referendum when Montenegro restored its independence. Many believe that he is the one most responsible for the tensions subsiding after the declaration of independence and for blunting the edge of the then-opposition. Also, on the day of the parliamentary elections on October 16, 2016, when Milo Đukanović announced that a coup d'état and his assassination were being prepared, Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović once again stepped onto the scene. His statements and subsequent actions at that time were of exceptional importance for Milo Đukanović's regime.
SOC Still in Milošević's Era, Montenegro in NATO
The largest part of the SOC, according to analysts, still believes it is living in the era of Milošević, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), the Yugoslav People's Army – Army of Yugoslavia (JNA-VJ), without acknowledging facts such as an independent Kosovo, an independent Montenegro in NATO, Bosnia and Herzegovina on its way to the EU and NATO, and the Republic of Croatia as a member of the EU and NATO, which significantly tries to influence Serbia's path, and thus the SOC, towards the EU, as well as the fact that Serbia is surrounded by NATO member states, meaning NATO surrounds Serbia.
Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović, Milo Đukanović's "war comrade," and now allegedly his sworn enemy, is the leader of the most influential faction within the SOC. He has been directly and openly agitating against Serbian Patriarch Irinej and Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić (SNS) for years. When Đukanović legalized the Law on Freedom of Religion in the Montenegrin Parliament, the question arises: whom does Amfilohije Radović represent, and to what extent have Amfilohije Radović and parts of the SOC, through their internal disagreements and (in)action, contributed to the adoption of the Law on Freedom of Religion?
The whole story regarding the Law on Freedom of Religion is not new. It began in 2015 when, during a public debate, all religious communities, except for the Montenegrin Orthodox Church and the Jewish Community, were against the adoption of the law. The emergence of the CPC began at the start of this millennium, and it was quite clear that after Montenegro's independence, there would certainly be an attempt to achieve the independence of the CPC. It is interesting that Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović and the SOC did not have a negative stance regarding Montenegro's independence. On the contrary, after independence, fruitful cooperation was recorded between Metropolitan Amfilohije and Đukanović, and it was quite clear that the new Montenegrin state, with its institutions, armed forces, internal and external affairs, and without the patronage of official Belgrade and the Yugoslav Army, would, as the culmination of its independence, attempt to revitalize (restore) the CPC and strive for its autocephaly.
The SOC in Montenegro, led by Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović, represents something similar to a rogue "Serbian government in exile" after World War II, while Josip Broz Tito was establishing the FPRY, and later the SFRY.
Đukanović Manipulates NATO and Intellectuals in the Region
With Montenegro's entry into NATO, the final conditions were met for the adoption of the Law on Freedom of Religion. Montenegro, as part of the so-called Western Judeo-Christian civilization, is now behaving like other Western European countries, as, for example, Italy has similarly resolved the issue of the Catholic Church, and even Croatia to some extent.
The schizophrenic fear that a war will break out in Montenegro, involving Serbia and Russia, due to the property of the SOC, is akin to the idea that Montenegro will leave NATO in the future, or that NATO and the US would not intervene in case of threats to Montenegro's national security/defense. The letters sent from the SOC headquarters in Belgrade to various Western addresses, including Pope Francis, as well as letters sent by some Serbian organizations to US President Donald Trump, represent ordinary political spin, similar to the regional appeal of intellectuals to Western governments to get involved in the "defense" of Montenegro, have the same effect as the aforementioned letters sent to Trump and the Pope. The common denominator of these letters and appeals is as if you are asking the US, Western governments, and NATO if they will defend and protect Montenegro. The current situation is best used and (mis)used by Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović to achieve his goals. In realizing his goals regarding the CPC, Đukanović has misused his NATO membership and regional intellectuals, trying to misinform the public in the region by inventing dangers of possible conflict spillover in the region, hiding his true intentions regarding the CPC behind it.
Under the auspices of NATO and the US, Montenegro is moving towards the EU. After separating from Serbia, previous NATO interventions, Montenegro's recognition of Kosovo, Montenegro's entry into NATO, and attempts to overthrow Đukanović from power, the issue of SOC property appears as a "maneuver exercise" for Đukanović and NATO against past challenges. Now Đukanović is under NATO protection, and at the same time, the state of relations within the SOC and the stance of Amfilohije Radović, who openly agitates against Serbian President Vučić for alleged betrayal of Kosovo, suit him. It is evident that Đukanović has, this time too, filigreed his assessment of when to adopt the law. Analysts believe that a compromise will still have to be reached between the SOC and Đukanović, in which the SOC will have to agree to cede some material assets to the state of Montenegro, i.e., Đukanović, while Đukanović and the SOC will have to find a certain compromise; otherwise, the damage will be mutual. In this case, even if the SOC were not the owner of the property in Montenegro, the acquisition of ownership by prescription is ignored, which means that a person holds a certain thing (real estate) in their factual possession for a certain period and acquires ownership based on possession and the passage of time. The previous owner (in this case, the state of Montenegro), who did not hold or use the thing, loses ownership. Since Montenegro declared independence in 2006, the long passive holding by the owner (the state), i.e., the non-exercise of rights (neglect of ownership), can, under certain conditions, lead to a kind of sanction - loss of ownership of the property/properties.
Respected analysts, researchers, political scientists, journalists, and politicians believe that no one has outsmarted the American-European administration as successfully as Milo Đukanović in the last ten years. The facts show that: 1) DPS and Milo Đukanović are the first political party in the Balkans to sign a cooperation agreement with Vladimir Putin's United Russia. 2) That Montenegro's independence followed direct support from Russia and the Russian Orthodox Church. This is evidenced by the testimony of Paul Manafort, a close associate of Donald Trump, who reached a plea agreement with the prosecution on the count of conspiracy against the US and the count of conspiracy to obstruct justice. Manafort was the head of Donald Trump's election campaign for a few months in 2016 and was forced to step down in August of that year after the extent of his consulting and lobbying services for Ukrainian politicians, including former pro-Russian President Viktor Yanukovych, was revealed. Manafort also worked closely with Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska, who is very close to Montenegrin President Đukanović. 3) The largest foreign investments in Montenegro after the declaration of independence in 2006 came precisely from Russia. Russian tycoon Oleg Deripaska, close to the Kremlin, privatized the Podgorica Aluminum Combine (KAP), and Željezara Nikšić was privatized by mysterious Russian businessmen who, among other things, bought land and other properties across Montenegro at unrealistic prices, which raised suspicions among numerous international organizations and researchers. Faced with numerous problems and accusations of corruption and crime (A2A, Telekom, envelope affair, custody account, first million, hydroelectric power plants built by Blažo Đukanović, son of Milo Đukanović, numerous unsolved murders), Đukanović has lost the support and influence he had in the region 10 years ago. For important international actors, Đukanović is no longer the indispensable and important player in the Balkans. Therefore, Đukanović has decided to play the card of manipulating nationalism and religion according to a tried-and-tested recipe to provoke tensions and conflicts, thereby showing that he is the only one who can ensure peace and guarantee stability in the region.
The situation with the SOC in Montenegro inevitably raises questions in other countries as well. The actions of the SOC in Montenegro, led by Metropolitan Amfilohije Radović, are an example of how not to treat one's own country, which they supported, and an illustrative example of how the SOC found itself in a very unenviable situation. The previous Milošević government and Milošević's direct political successors, along with the SOC, supported Montenegro's independence as a sovereign state. All subsequent actions and effects are precisely the consequences of Serbian policy in the first decade of the new millennium, which the SOC faithfully followed with its internal conflicts and factions that still significantly support Slobodan Milošević's policy today. Now, Serbian President Vučić must take the "hot potato." Đukanović undertook this action after Montenegro's entry into NATO, not before, and now he wants to draw Serbian President Vučić into a conflict with the 29 NATO member states, as he wants to create the perception that Serbia and the authorities in Belgrade, i.e., Vučić, are behind all the events/unrest. Serbian President Vučić, however, did not fall into Đukanović's trap; he reacted calmly and statesmanlike, emphasizing that he would do everything to maintain peace and stability in the region.
Dodik Fell into the Trap of the Recidivist Milošević Structures
For a long time, Milošević's structures have viewed Bosnia and Herzegovina and the entity of Republika Srpska as war spoils and have been inciting the current member of the Presidency of BiH, Milorad Dodik (SNSD), towards secession. The example of Montenegro should be instructive and encouraging, as the SOC in Bosnia and Herzegovina enjoys the highest degree of autonomy, and Serbs as an Orthodox people have the most protective mechanisms, starting with the constitutionality of peoples, including the agreement that the SOC has with the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, unlike the Islamic Community in that country, which does not have such an agreement. Milorad Dodik is precisely linked to the recidivist war structures and those who try to implement the policy of the so-called Greater Serbia in BiH by seceding Republika Srpska from BiH in agreement with Dragan Čović (HDZBiH) and the HDZ. Is part of the SOC aware that by supporting Milorad Dodik's policy, they are directly working against their own interests and against the Serbian people in BiH? Can Slobodan Milošević's policy take precedence over the interests of the Serbian people in BiH? These are questions that require answers not only within the SOC. Analysts believe that the adoption of the Law on Freedom of Religion in Montenegro is merely a direct consequence of previously announced developments regarding Montenegro, from its separation from Serbia to its independence and entry into NATO, which is being realized under the watchful eye of the US and NATO.
In the context of the events in Montenegro, it is also important to highlight the example of the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) and its attitude towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has never agreed to the reduction of its sovereignty to the so-called Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna (HR H-B), but has integrated its activities within BiH, not wanting to change the scheme of dioceses established by the Vatican, which covers the entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Montenegrin model is applicable in Croatia in this regard, and some analysts indirectly announce this. However, Đukanović's moves hide other intentions.
Will the Montenegrin Orthodox Church Become a Uniate Church?
Montenegro has developed long-standing intensive diplomatic and political relations with the Vatican. The recent visit of the Prime Minister of Montenegro, Duško Marković (DPS), to the Vatican announced the arrival of Pope Francis to Montenegro during 2020. Relations with the Vatican were also developed before the declaration of Montenegro's independence by Svetozar Marović (DPS), one of Milo Đukanović's closest associates, who has been legally convicted of committed crimes and is on the run.
Đukanović himself has been received by the head of the Roman Catholic Church/Pope several times. Montenegro's separation from Serbia was skillfully planned with Western allies. Montenegro had to prove, or rather create the perception, that living in a common state with Serbia was no longer possible and that separation was the only option. An environment for separation from Serbia was created. Now, a new crisis has been produced by the adoption of the Law on Freedom of Religion, which has sparked mass protests by members of the SOC and parts of the opposition in Montenegro, aiming to recreate the perception and environment that living with the SOC in Montenegro is also no longer possible. According to the scenario, it was planned to draw Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić into this produced environment and accuse him as the main culprit for the events/unrest in Montenegro, while in the background, efforts were being made to revive the canonically unrecognized Montenegrin Orthodox Church (CPC).
The statement by Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew that he will not recognize the Montenegrin Orthodox Church and that the Serbian Orthodox Church is the only canonically recognized church in Montenegro came at the right time for Đukanović, enabling him to implement the second scenario, which is the uniatization of the Montenegrin Orthodox Church. Thus, the canonical recognition of the CPC would be achieved through uniatization (Greek Catholics), so that the CPC would retain the "Eastern rite" but would have the Bishop of Rome – the Pope – as its head. The CPC would be under the canonical jurisdiction of the Vatican. This would allow Đukanović to regain lost favor with the West, which is particularly important for him due to the upcoming parliamentary elections in 2020.
This would ensure canonical recognition for the Montenegrin Orthodox Church, extend Đukanović's rule, and secure the Vatican's entry into Montenegro "through the front door." Đukanović's only failure is that he did not succeed in drawing Aleksandar Vučić into the game and making Vučić the scapegoat for everything, including the destabilization or current events in Montenegro. Politicians use all possible means to stay in power. The example of the current Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama (PS), who converted from Orthodoxy to Catholicism a few years ago, shows that politicians use all means to stay in power.
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