Bosnischer NATO-Weg – Čovićs Schlaflied oder ein Weckruf der Justiz

Ohne zu zögern kann festgestellt werden, dass der Konflikt zwischen den Leugnern und Verteidigern der bosnischen Staatlichkeit mit der Aktivierung des Aktionsplans für die NATO-Mitgliedschaft Bosnien und Herzegowinas, MAP, endet.

Zahlreiche nationale und staatliche Jubiläen prägen den April. Diesen April sind es volle sechs bosnische Jahre seit der Übernahme der Verpflichtungen aus Tallinn und der Zuweisung eines bedingten MAP. Die Behörden von Bosnien und Herzegowina haben sich verpflichtet, zuerst neunundsechzig und dann dreiundsechzig militärische Immobilien als Staatseigentum einzutragen, mit dem Nutzungsrecht für das Verteidigungsministerium und die Streitkräfte von Bosnien und Herzegowina.

Jahrestagungen sind vergangen, der Staat hat diese Verpflichtung nicht erfüllt, im Vergleich zu den Nachbarn auf dem NATO-Weg zurückgefallen, und die internationalen Beziehungen haben sich wesentlich verändert und schmerzhafte Auswirkungen auf die Beziehungen der politischen Faktoren in Bosnien gehabt.

Am achten und neunten Juni findet in Warschau eine weitere NATO-Tagung statt, und auf der Tagesordnung steht auch die Frage des MAP von Bosnien und Herzegowina.

Nach heutigem Stand sind die Aussichten gering, dass mit der erfolgten Registrierung militärischen Eigentums für diese Tagung die Aktivierung des bosnischen MAP erfolgt.

Trotz dieser Fakten bietet eines der Mitglieder des Präsidiums von Bosnien und Herzegowina, Dragan Čović, der Öffentlichkeit unerschütterlichen Optimismus, dass dies geschehen wird. So tat er es auch bei der Feier des gestrigen 24. Jahrestages des HVO in Čapljina.

Keine dieser Aussagen von Čović hat die Art und Weise erkennen lassen, wie dies erreicht werden kann.

Und das ist es, was zu befürchten ist und warum sein „staatlich flatterhafter“ Optimismus mit Vorbehalt aufgenommen werden sollte. Nach diesen Aussagen gab es auch solche, die die prudenischen Prinzipien und Dodiks Ultimaten zur territorialen Aufteilung des gesamten Staatseigentums (das aus der Nachfolge und dem staatlichen Kontinuität von Bosnien und Herzegowina) in die MAP-Diskussion einbrachten.

Grob gesagt ignoriert und umgeht Čović sowohl die Verfassung von Bosnien und Herzegowina als auch die Entscheidung des Verfassungsgerichts von Bosnien und Herzegowina sowie das Gesetz über das Verbot der Verfügung über Staatseigentum von Bosnien und Herzegowina.

Čović ist wie ein Eisberg, man sieht nur die weiße, lockende Oberfläche und ahnt nicht die verhängnisvolle Kälte des unverhältnismäßig größeren Teils des Eisbergs unter der Wasseroberfläche.

Gleichzeitig mit Čovićs „diplomatisch-politischen“ Eskapaden befindet sich vor dem Gericht von Bosnien und Herzegowina in der Berufungsinstanz ein rechtskräftig abgeschlossener Fall zur Klärung des Staatseigentums an einer militärischen Immobilie in der Republika Srpska, was die rechtsstaatliche Farce der Republika Srpska bezüglich des Eigentumsstreits des Staates an seinem Eigentum beweist.

Man könnte sagen – „Im Morast von Sand und Fluss liegt die Bestätigung der bosnischen Staatlichkeit.“ Der Sand ist Han und das Wasser ist Crna. Mit der baldigen Rechtskraft des Urteils des Gerichts von Bosnien und Herzegowina in diesem Fall würde ein Gerichts­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­. The conflict between the deniers and defenders of Bosnian statehood ends with the activation of the action plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina's membership in NATO, MAP.

Numerous national and state jubilees mark the April content. This April marks six full Bosnian years since the assumption of obligations from Tallinn and the awarding of a conditional MAP. The Bosnian authorities have committed to registering, first sixty-nine, and then sixty-three, military properties as state property with the right of use by the Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Annual summits have passed, the state has not fulfilled this obligation, it has lagged behind its neighbors on the NATO path, and international relations have changed significantly and had painful effects on the relations of political factors in Bosnia.

On the eighth and ninth of June, another NATO summit will be held in Warsaw, and the issue of the Bosnian MAP will also be on the agenda.

As things stand today, there is little likelihood that the Bosnian MAP will be activated for this summit with the military property registered.

Despite these facts, one of the members of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dragan Čović, offers the public unquestioning optimism that it will happen. He did so at the commemoration of the 24th anniversary of the HVO in Čapljina last week.

None of Čović's statements have revealed how this can be achieved.

And this is what should be feared and why his "state-fluttering" optimism should be taken with reservation. After these statements, he also made those that garnished the MAP discussion with the Prud principles, Dodik's ultimatums on the territorial distribution of all state property (that from succession and that from the state continuity of Bosnia and Herzegovina).

Čović grossly ignores and circumvents both the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the decision of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the law prohibiting the disposal of state property of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Čović is like an iceberg, you only see the white that can attract, and you don't suspect the dangerous cold of the disproportionately larger part of the iceberg below the water surface.

At the same time as Čović's "diplomatic-political" antics, a decided case regarding the state ownership of a military property in Republika Srpska is in the decision phase before the appellate panel of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, proving the Republika Srpska legal farce of disputing the state's ownership of its property.

One might say – "In the mud of sand and river lies the confirmation of Bosnian statehood." The sand is Han, and the water is Crna. With the imminent legal confirmation of the BiH Court's verdict in this case, a judicial precedent would be established that would allow the unhindered registration of military property in the RS to its owner, the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

It is strange that Čović offers completely different unconstitutional and legally unfounded solutions for activating the MAP. The underwater part of Čović's iceberg remains faithful to his agreement with the political Siamese Milorad Dodik, known only to him. The division of state property, including this property, hidden from the public, has only one goal – to hide the hundreds of millions in theft of military and other state property, and if possible, to carry out new thefts on the part that has not been plundered.

There is no fear, the controlled state Attorney's Office will not disrupt the devil's plan. For years, it has not fulfilled its obligation to annul void legal actions of transferring ownership of state property, despite the legal prohibition. Those before them, Mandić, Ljubić, and Vilić, did the same, so why would they do it? The legislator of the prohibition – the OHR – also remained silent.

Interest groups, political tycoons, and the party-political oligarchies connected to them have unhinderedly completed the business of billions worth of state property. They enriched themselves ostentatiously, and the ethno-territorial units causally became a new de facto situation. All acted on the principle of "their own national territory." Čović knows all this, and therefore diligently and zealously completes it with a populist-nationalist fervor.

There is another possible scenario for the Bosnian MAP that sends shivers down the spine. The summit in Warsaw, God forbid, could activate the MAP even without a single military property registered to the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the RS, thus creating the illusion of achieving the Bosnian MAP. This scenario would position the Bosnian state in a Cypriot status, and the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina would become a fait accompli.

The increasingly present zone of Russian military-political influence would thus be confirmed by its presence in Republika Srpska. The external borders of Bosnia, in its merely formal part, would cease to exist, and the administrative line separating the entities would become the new state border of Russian influence.

The scenario is almost fictional, but in the context of Balkan-Bosnian circumstances, it is possible. We must fear Čović's lullaby (experience teaches us), and the answer to these fears should be given by the appellate department of the Court of BiH with its judicial decision. Bosnian statehood must be pulled out of the mud of sand and the Crna River, and the Tallinn time is running out.

Written by: Muharem Cero