Written by: A. Čorbo-Zećo
Next week, specifically on January 22, a delegation of the European Commission and the EU led by President Ursula von der Leyen will visit Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The delegation will also include Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte. It is no coincidence that Ursula von der Leyen chose this particular composition of the delegation, as it is clear that the Dutch have a completely clear stance when it comes to the enlargement of the European Union, specifically regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina's accession to the European family.
We remind you that after the European Commission report, state authorities, especially the Sarajevo troika, euphorically declared it a historic day, and then came a cold shower from the Netherlands.
Dutch policy is clear: a candidate country must meet the conditions before taking the next steps.
"A candidate country must fulfill all conditions before the next step in the accession process can be taken. In this process, the Netherlands remains a committed partner, supporting candidate countries in their reform processes," they told Patria from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.
A miracle would have to happen to soften them to the extent that we need to adopt another two or three laws from the 14 priorities to open negotiations, as Elmedin Konaković claims when he says March is near, when the European Council meets.
Now, whether Sarajevo ćevapi can soften the Dutch is unknown, but it is clear that we have not moved an inch since the report on Bosnia and Herzegovina. And that is why the plateau towards which Bosnia and Herzegovina is heading is very far away.
But the Dutch do not hide their opposition, so Rutte's arrival is not as controversial or hypocritical as that of Andrej Plenković.
In what capacity is he coming? Croatian media write that Plenković is the main advocate for Bosnia and Herzegovina's entry into the European Union, but apart from words, he has shown little in deeds.
Especially knowing that Plenković will arrive in Bosnia and Herzegovina before Ursula, and will have dinner with Dragan Čović, where they will be able to harmonize stories and plans in peace, it is clear that this visit cannot be in the interest of Bosnia and Herzegovina, because if it were, the first place Plenković would come to is the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but that meeting will happen later, specifically on January 23.
And why should Bosnia and Herzegovina not trust the polished Plenković?
We remind the forgetful that Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković openly admitted that he lobbied High Representative Christian Schmidt for imposed solutions on election night. There is no doubt that he did everything to possibly annul the significant "Kovačević vs. Bosnia and Herzegovina" ruling, so he also had meetings with Marija Pejčinović Burić, Secretary General of the Council of Europe, through whom he lobbied!
"We talked with High Representative Schmidt for months thoroughly and discreetly. When the president got involved and insulted Schmidt, then his enthusiasm to correct injustices against Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina probably waned a bit," the official Twitter profile of the Croatian government quoted Prime Minister Andrej Plenković.
Plenković tells lies without any hesitation, because there is no injustice against Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but there is against the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as evidenced by numerous rulings of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.
Plenković and Čović, no matter how much they call themselves European champions, are contrary to European values, because legitimate representation is their priority. Then one must be especially careful that Bosnia and Herzegovina's path to the EU is not conditioned precisely by such solutions that would further divide Bosnia and Herzegovina into ethnic pens. And at every meeting of this Brussels delegation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this important fact must be clarified.
What kind of Bosnia and Herzegovina does the European Union want? Is Croatia a guardian for Bosnia and Herzegovina on that path, and do the necessary reforms on that path mean appeasing one ethnonationalist party – the Bosnian branch of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), a stubborn wartime political party that was again controlled by neighboring Croatia in recent years and has agitated for this change as a unique foreign policy goal.
If that is the case, then pro-Bosnian parties must also define their stance on these positions: are they ready to be subjects of Croatia or will they fight for a state worthy of every person, not just Dragan Čović and members of HDZ BiH.
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