From Schmidt's nothingness to nothing!

Written by: Muharem Cero

Exactly so. In the dualism of mutual exclusivity, nullity and nothingness, a painful process of the creation or disappearance of Bosnian statehood has been unfolding, with varying intensity for almost 30 years, more precisely since the day the peace agreement was signed.

The variability of intensity can follow the continuity of the changing context in the wider and immediate environment of the intended Bosnian statehood. No less important and more influential in importance than the variability of the domestic political scene is the influence of the changing High Representatives in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in turn from Bildt, Ashdown, Lajčák to the current Schmidt. I did not forget others, but I recognized only those listed for a reason.

The current context, both globally and regionally, through resolving the status of state property, wants to precipitously pull the constitutional and legal prerogatives of Bosnian statehood guaranteed by Dayton into a new trial.

A narrative adaptable to such a claim can be recognized in the already undisguised expression "we recognize the integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina" (and the always present continuation) "but also the integrity of the entity Republika Srpska." It is precisely this narrative and its acceptance by the previously listed important Bosnian players, and the awkward acclimatization of domestic political constitutional defenders, that becomes the measure that encourages, accelerates, and with intent or negligence, makes the matrix of dissolution meaningful and propulsive.

The strategic goal, now transformed into the Serbian World, is abundant with political fog and dust, and only a few know and recognize the meaningfulness of that fog and dust. This time, an abundance of fog and uproar masks it with "resistance" to the adoption of the resolution on the genocide in Srebrenica.

With the same meaning, one should delve into the powerful "weapon" in this entire "staff-war" project, which are the abundant Bosnian resources.

The renunciation of the institutional sovereignty of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the quiet reduction of the same to the level of sub-state arrangements, be they cantons or BH entities, would be the conquered space for completing the desired goal.

And while fog and dust from the New York distance passionately occupy domestic and regional media, consequently invoking the ghosts of the trauma of suffering, a Bosnian mirror image from the early nineties appears, not coincidentally projected and desired, framed by "staff-war plunder."

Somewhat sidelined, resources simultaneously become desirable market goods, but also a strong argument for gaining allies for the projected goal; the measure of alliance becomes the measure of billions of possible and so close profits on and under Bosnian soil.

Partnership is quietly being established, and only the modalities of the same are unknown. At play are public-private partnerships with a foreign element or traditional concessions. Tightening and loosening in accepting the modalities should be accompanied by only one achieved goal, and that is the territorial distribution of state property of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is nothing other than an on-the-go accomplished change in the constitutional and legal character of Bosnia and Herzegovina by reducing it to a union of states or, considering the hidden agenda of the third party, a confederal community of ethno-territorial units.

All this would not be a completed process, but a much shorter route for running towards a new beginning, and it should be read as a realized achieved goal of territorial hegemonism of neighbors and friends.

No different than exactly how it was agreed in the nineties.

The movements of the current High Representative are strange; it is not known how many times he met with Vučić, always in Belgrade, much more often on the sidelines. But it is reliably known from scarce statements that the reason for the meetings was always and only the issue of resolving the "state property of Republika Srpska."

Always after such meetings, the apparatchik Dodik shows new "warrior" energy, so it would be this time too in Banja Luka at the rally when, uncontrolled, in his characteristic manner, he says "we stopped the attempt to take away Serbian property, and that is a confirmation of Serbian unity" (probably thinking in categories of the Serbian World).

The apparatchik's call ominously heralds a breakthrough of the promised red lines of Bosnia, from one side, the other, the third, and however many sides there are.