Montenegrin Government in Accordance with Greater-Serbian Politics!

By: Nevena Kovačević

The initiative demanding Montenegro join the states co-sponsoring the UN Resolution on the Genocide in Srebrenica was not included on the agenda of the Montenegrin government session today. Although the initiative was supported by over 80 non-governmental organizations and 200 intellectuals, the government remained silent on this issue.

Prime Minister Milojko Spajić refused to answer yesterday whether the Government would decide on co-sponsorship. Instead of a concrete answer, Spajić stated that it was the past and that Montenegro would co-sponsor infrastructure projects. Thus, the Montenegrin Prime Minister equated the victims of Srebrenica with highway construction. This charlatanic statement expresses a dishonest and anti-civilizational attitude towards innocent victims whose lives were cut short by political assassination.

The Mothers of Srebrenica also called on Spajić last night to publicly state his position on the resolution.

- Since Spajić did not want to answer the question about the Resolution on the Genocide in Srebrenica today, we hope he will have his stance tomorrow and express it publicly. Montenegro has always been on the right side of history. We call on you to do so now - they wrote in a post on the social network X.

The parliamentary committee for international relations and emigration also rejected today the initiative of DPS MP Aleksandra Vuković Kuč for that parliamentary body to declare itself on supporting co-sponsorship. Given the composition of the current parliamentary majority, the opposition from the ruling party MPs is not surprising.

Although public pressure is growing, the betrayal of political patrons and controllers led by Andrija Mandić is apparently not an option for Spajić. The fear of a red card from the political protectors of his government is more significant than public condemnation.

However, the agent network is not the only reason. Milojko Spajić, according to his own statement, returned to Montenegro to help the Serbian people during the so-called litias. Today, with classic deceptive maneuvering aimed at pleasing Westerners, he claims that the motive for his return was to bring Montenegro into the EU.

Perhaps this mantra has been well-received by Western officials, but the Montenegrin and regional public are not easily fooled.

Like Dritan Abazović and Jakov Milatović, Spajić also came to power as a missionary of the Serbian Church. For positions in the then-apostolic government, they were recommended by church, not economic or political expertise. The current president and prime minister are emissaries of Amfilohije's divine love, embodied in the rattling of weapons and war-mongering sentiments of bloodthirsty hordes.

The intentions of the Belgrade Patriarchate and the Serbian autocratic regime are identical to those of the 1990s. Instead of direct armed threats, they resort to more subtle methods of intimidation, with the aim of realizing the same great-state and assimilationist projects.

Let us recall that all the electoral victories of Milatović's and Spajić's PES were celebrated with iconography from the 1990s and loud cheers to Belgrade, the official one, to which they are subordinate. The fact that the protégés of the litias movement do not publicly express their views does not mean that their actual worldviews are less radical than those of the headquarters.

The differences are of an interest and calculative nature. The calculation is simple - the most base subservience preserves the position. Where power rests on narrow interests and political agreements, there is no room for moral values.

The level of public radicalism is easy to dose. In the clerical hierarchy, Spajić has been assigned the role of guardian of the narrative of the civic center, an apostolic savior, a centrist among moderate and far-right individuals, whose task is to convince the international community that there is something revolutionary in the counter-revolution.

In light of Aleksandar Vučić's political defeats after admission to the Council of Europe and ahead of the likely adoption of the UN resolution, a conflict with the Belgrade branch of the Montenegrin government could cost Spajić dearly. Therefore, under the guise of fulfilling administrative criteria for obtaining IBAR, the declarative European is pushing Montenegro towards a value and moral dead end, making it a regional enemy.

The government, which includes the forgetful Foreign Minister Filip Ivanović, the explicit genocide denier Vladimir Joković, and the rest of the crew under the baton of a Chetnik warlord, directly aligns itself with Greater-Serbian politics, fleeing from the civilized world, trampling, for who knows how many times, the parliamentary resolution that prohibits the denial of genocide.

Nevertheless, the citizens of Montenegro remain on the right side of history, refusing to take the path of historical downfall at this crossroads.

We despise every regional and global genocide, the propagators of genocidal policies then and now, we observe the actions of the ruling clique with disgust, publicly condemning the criminals by name and surname, preserving the memory of the brutally murdered civilians.

Unlike the government, for whom morality and humanity are apparently unknown concepts, decent and civic Montenegro supports the international condemnation of genocide, knowing that human lives have no price.

While the short-sighted West and gullible opposition still see Spajić as a promising politician and potential partner, and the Bosniak Party yearns to join the reconstructed Government, we will be swimming in an abyss with no visible bottom, even though the vote against Kosovo in the Council of Europe and the silence on Srebrenica are red alarms that must not be ignored.