Why is Milatović not attending the celebration of the unconstitutional Day of Republika Srpska?

By: Nevena Kovačević

The President of Montenegro, Jakov Milatović, stated in a New Year's interview for Vijesti that he will not attend the commemoration of January 9th, the unconstitutional Day of Republika Srpska, because, as he emphasized, he respects the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Judging by the way the dominant number of media outlets reported this information, placing it in a decidedly positive context right from the headline, Milatović has once again managed to deceive his Montenegrin regional allies.

His decision, in fact, is not a result of respecting the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, nor of not recognizing the unconstitutional holiday, but of pure political balancing.
Milatović has been using such a strictly balancing policy since the first day he appeared on the Montenegrin political scene.

The basis of his political action has been unquestionable since his time as a minister in Zdravko Krivokapić's apostolic government, meaning, long before he took office as President of the State. For less informed regional and international partners, such a policy seems to go almost unnoticed, while those better informed about political processes in Montenegro know well that there is no doubt regarding the accuracy of the previously stated theses.

This is not the first time Milatović has misled the public of Bosnia and Herzegovina with his balancing act. Let us recall that shortly after taking over the presidential office, when he spoke about the genocide in Srebrenica for Al Jazeera, the headlines in the portals indicated a clear and explicit recognition that genocide occurred in Srebrenica.

However, if you listen to Milatović's statement at the time, you will hear something completely different – a vague, relativizing answer.

To the question of whether genocide occurred in Srebrenica, there is only one two-letter answer – yes. An unambiguous stance simply leaves no room for deconstruction into simple factors and superfluous explanations.

That is the moment when the balancer Milatović did not cope, just as he is not coping today.

The use of the word 'but' reflects mere relativization, and comparing the genocide in Srebrenica with the crimes in Piva and Velika is an attempt to absolve the masterminds and perpetrators. The nature and character of these crimes are entirely different from the act of genocide.

Placing all crimes committed in the Balkans in the same context means that you want to avoid condemning the ideological background and the actors who are still carrying out aggression today, by other means, but with the same goal.

Let us also recall how President Milatović bargained, saying that he would make a decision on when to go to Srebrenica after consulting with his advisors, likely Dejan Vukšić and Aleksandar Stijović, who are considered among the most loyal servants of the Serbian Orthodox Church.

If you celebrate Milošević's subordinate Momir Bulatović and bow to the successor of that policy, Aleksandar Vučić, there is no need to debate the relationship with the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

When, through excellent lobbying, you bring a Chetnik duke to head the state parliament and ensure the direct infiltration of Russian-Serbian agents into state structures, it is quite easy to be a balancer. The order from official Belgrade has been executed, which means the need for direct flattery and explicit exposure by the president through a visit to Banja Luka, which would compromise the state's reputation, has ceased.

There are plenty of deputies, even after Andrija Mandić said he could not respond to Milorad Dodik's invitation because it was his name day, politely congratulating, as he stated, the founding day of Republika Srpska.

However, the fact that neither Milatović nor Mandić will go to Dodik's does not mean we can be at ease and that the presence of Montenegrin representatives will be absent this year. Let's remember that Dritan Abazović, instead of going himself, sent ministers who represented him well.

The candidates are numerous, ranging from members of parliament to ministers who do not recognize the consequences of the Greater Serbian aggression. Whoever kneels before Vučić also kneels before Dodik, directly or indirectly, supporting policies of division and destabilization of the region, and anything other than condemnation of the creators and successors of aggressive policies is a clear sign of such support.

Therefore, it is worth thinking carefully about inviting Milatović to attend the commemoration of the anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide, and listening carefully to what he says, so that the shame that Abazović inflicted on us does not happen again.