Mandić disciplined Ibrahimović with ministerial chairs: BS from today an accomplice in the Greater Serbian reconstruction project

Written by: Nevena Kovačević

Members of the Montenegrin Parliament will decide today on the government reconstruction. At yesterday's meeting of the Parliament Speaker's Collegium, outside procedures and without the consent of the opposition, it was agreed that the session would start at 11 a.m.

A heated debate is underway, and as planned, the discussion will last three hours. Prime Minister Milojko Spajić submitted the proposal for the new government composition to the parliament this morning, thereby grossly violating the parliamentary rules of procedure and the Montenegrin Constitution.

The rules of procedure stipulate that the prime minister must submit a proposal for changes in the government structure or the dismissal of its members to the parliament three days before the start of the session. Since such a proposal did not exist until today, the formal legal conditions for discussing the government reconstruction under the item of elections and appointments have not been met.

However, respect for procedures has long become a thing of the past. What matters is that the party bodies of all newly arrived government constituents presented their wish lists at last night's sessions and agreed in detail on how to divide the political pie.

The reconstructed government will have as many as 24 portfolios and seven deputy prime ministers. Since the Law on the Government remains at the level of a nicely presented theoretical idea, without understanding the urgent need for its practical implementation, the maneuvering space for party hacks remains unlimited. At today's session, following established practice, the top positions of non-existent ministries will be distributed before they are even established.

First, ministers will be appointed, and there will be time, as they say, to amend the decree and formally establish the ministries. Once appetites are satisfied, it is easy to amend the decree on the organization of state administration. Previous governments also violated it, so why would Spajić's be an exception. The parliamentary majority has, in any case, violated everything that could be violated, because they are evidently guided by the rule that for them, as untouchable power holders, no rules actually exist. Ultimately, it is important to satisfy political hunger and party interests before going on summer vacations. We'll deal with the rest later.

In addition to numerous criticisms coming from the opposition, President Jakov Milatović also spoke out, emphasizing that Montenegro is today a victim of the most primitive political trade, and that it is a fraud and an insult to the common sense of citizens.

Montenegro is today getting probably the most bloated government on European soil. Even with such a deep and wide rotation, political gluttons will not be satisfied. That is why this pyramid of interests will plummet headlong, as soon as the clientelistic character surfaces after the initial optimism.

The political-commercial charade is doomed to imminent collapse. Official Belgrade and official Moscow will enjoy today's parliamentary circus performance even more than the Montenegrin clowns. This is the formalization of a Russian-Serbian government, whose control lever has been in the hands of loyal agents of Aleksandar Vučić and Vladimir Putin since its formation.

It remains to be seen whether Brussels and Washington, and chances are they will, will bow their heads and swallow the farce colloquially called historical reconciliation.

The leader of the Bosniak Party, Ervin Ibrahimović, nevertheless did not resist the call that is simply not refused. Thus, by entering the government, Ibrahimović agreed to be, together with Milojko Spajić, Andrija Mandić, and Milan Knežević, the fourth link in the implementation of the Russian-Serbian plan for the reconstruction of Montenegro.

The Bosniak Party will receive five portfolios: the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, headed by Ibrahimović; the Ministry of Diaspora, led by Mirsad Azemović; the Ministry of Social Welfare, Family Care and Demography, headed by Damir Gutić; the Ministry of Mining, Oil and Gas, led by Admir Šahmanović; and the Ministry of Regional Investment Development and Cooperation with NGOs, headed by Ernad Suljević. Ibrahimović will also get the position of Deputy Prime Minister for International Relations.

According to the coalition agreement, Mandić's New Serbian Democracy will receive the portfolios of Tourism and Spatial Planning, Urbanism and State Property. The party candidates for these positions are Simonida Kordić and Slaven Radunović. NSD was supposed to get the education portfolio as well, but due to public pressure, the current minister Anđela Jakšić Stojanović will remain in the top position, while Budimir Aleksić from NSD, the announced candidate for Minister of Education, will get the deputy prime minister position for Science, Education and Relations with Religious Communities. Knežević's Democratic People's Party will get the deputy prime minister position for Infrastructure and Regional Development and the Ministry of Transport, to be covered by Milun Zogović and Maja Vukićević.

Spajić's proposal provides for numerous changes in the current structure, including replacements of certain ministers from the ranks of the Europe Now Movement and the Democrats. Among other things, Minister of Justice Andrej Milović will be replaced in that position by Bojan Božović. We remind you that Spajić's initiative for Milović's dismissal was submitted to the Parliament but was not considered. Yesterday, the opposition's request for Milović to answer parliamentary questions during the scheduled minister's hour before the debate on the government reconstruction was also rejected.

After months of blackmail and pressure from coalition partners, Spajić has fulfilled almost all ultimatums – the resolution on Jasenovac, the presentation of the fiscal strategy – an updated Europe Now 2 program that collapses the pension system, and the long-delayed, hasty government reconstruction has come to the fore.

The principle, therefore, is that there is no principle, because chair appointments are the most effective means of extinguishing artificially ignited political fires and calming the creators of amateur performances. Ibrahimović, however, has crossed the line. Coalition with Mandić and Knežević, to put it simply, is an act of political prostitution. All justifications and attempts to explain the inexplicable are in vain. The Bosniak people in Montenegro, and beyond, are ashamed today of their political representatives, who actually show that they defend exclusively their own, narrow party interests.

What kind of Montenegro does Ibrahimović want to build in partnership with followers of the Chetnik movement? That is certainly not the kind of Montenegro for which the great Rafet Husović advocated and to whose construction he made a crucial contribution. The Bosniak Party has officially heroized criminals and butchers, equated victims and executioners, and changed its political direction. Instead of an ever-firmer value-based insistence on preserving civic and sovereignist ideals, the BS is becoming just another party gradually mired in political dishonor.

While Spajić's PES boasts an almost two-thirds majority with the support of 52 out of the necessary 54 MPs, all that remains is for the BS, as an accomplice in the fascization of Montenegro, to support the passing of the Law on Citizenship – an act that is a key puzzle piece in Vučić's puzzle of drowning Montenegro into the Serbian world. Andrija Mandić skillfully disciplined Ibrahimović. Under the cloak of cooperation with the DF-politically-subordinated PES, the BS has politically sold itself to the deniers of genocide and other crimes committed by the military and paramilitary Chetnik horde against the Bosniak population.

Today's BS has stumbled in values, throwing itself into the embrace of celebrators of quislings and eternally bloodthirsty Chetnik leaders. A kind of heroization of Uncle Draža, Pavle Đurišić, Mladić, Karadžić, and other participants in the deportations, rapes, and murders of Bosniaks, before and during the Second World War, all the way to the nineties and the Srebrenica genocide.

A political decoration for advocates of new genocides. And by fulfilling the ultimatum to break municipal coalitions with sovereignist parties, the BS will, through the handover of municipalities to the Saint Sava liberators, give legitimacy to the further persecution and terror against Montenegrin Bosniaks, such as that carried out by the mayor of Pljevlja, one of Mandić's most radical pioneers, Dario Vraneš.

Although this crypto-Chetnik parody called the reconstructed 44th Reconciliation Government will not last long, such an arrangement is very dangerous and immeasurably harmful to the strategic orientation and civic foundations of Montenegro. If the West gives up and thereby tacitly supports Mandić's deceptive reconciliation mission, we will witness an even more aggressive continuation of Montenegro's anti-Western decline, deepening polarization and inter-ethnic divisions, along with the radicalization of destabilizing threats, which could, in the worst-case scenario, result in wider unrest and civil conflicts.

The Bosniak Party is an accomplice in the destruction of multi-ethnic and multi-religious harmony, and ultimately, in the attempt to destroy Montenegro by stripping it of its sovereignty, all in the spirit of Greater Serbian reconciliation and identity engineering.