Welcome Chetniks, Halal Genocide!

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Welcome Chetniks, Halal Genocide!

By: Rasim Belko

Recently, I was discussing in one of the social media groups why it is not wrong to tell those who do not love Bosnia and Herzegovina to go where they feel good, to a place they would like. Regardless of their faith, ethnicity, or religion. Because, realistically, if everywhere is better for you than here, it is logical to test it in practice.

The message and discussion are reminiscent of what we watched on BHT1 in the conversation between Zvonko Komšić and Nebojša Vukanović. Zvonko and Vukan were discussing football, and Vukan resorted to his old tool of mythomania, and the show ended.

And then, as per the good old script, a rerun of the narrative followed, thanks to which policies that undermine Bosnia and Herzegovina have persisted for decades, and they still manage to present themselves as victims.

The patriotic fabric, as expected, divided into those who are grateful to Komšić for saying what they themselves would say, and those who see Nebojša Vukanović as a “new hope”. Because, of course, every new episode requires a new hero, even if it's an old story in new packaging.

True, about eight years ago, I also thought that Vukanović could be a change. We all have that phase, short but educational.

Then I watched him in the National Assembly of Republika Srpska (NSRS) yelling at every decision that strengthens the state, but, of course, only when it's not “in the interest of the people,” which is a convenient phrase that means whatever is needed at the moment. I also watched him participate in the downfall of democratic Montenegro through processions, for the sake of saving, as it was said then, from the West. Because it is known that the West is the biggest threat to the Balkans, right after common sense.

It then became clear, at least to those who did not need to pretend to be naive, that his statement “I am a Serbian nationalist” was not a slip of the tongue or folklore, but a programmatic document.

At that time, I wrote that Vukanović, Stanivuković, and Trivić are bad copies of Dodik, made according to Dobrica Ćosić's matrix.

But let's return to Vukanović, who tried to sell himself to the Sarajevo milieu as a voice of reason, economy, and coexistence, as if these were things that exist in a vacuum, separate from the constitution, judiciary, and political reality. But okay, it sounds nice, and that's often half the job.



The plan was simple: a little talk about togetherness, a little posing for photos at events, a little “I’m not Dodik” rhetoric, and voilà, legitimacy. Because if you're not Dodik, you're automatically the solution, right? It doesn't matter what you are, what matters is what you are not.

That might have worked for those whose only ideology is elections and mandates. In a broader context, it's a bit harder.

Because when the issue of genocide in Srebrenica arose, Vukanović did what he always does: he acted as a Serbian nationalist and said he did not recognize the verdicts. Nothing new, just consistent. Just like his colleagues Stanivuković and Trivić, continuity is important.

And here we come to an interesting point: a part of the Bosniak public, by inertia, simply stopped asking. Not because they got an answer, but because the answer doesn't suit them. Because God forbid they lose an “moderate nationalist,” that’s a rare and precious category today.

Vukan's performances in the NSRs were broadcast without much questioning, even when they were directly against the state. But it doesn't matter, as long as he yells at Dodik, the content is secondary.

Today, when Dodik is somewhat sidelined, we have a new offer: Vukanović as a “voice of reason.” Because, obviously, standards are flexible, they depend on market demand.

For every move by the authorities in Republika Srpska that had some social benefit, Vukanović jumped up, shouted, and warned about “transfer of competencies.” But he duly problematized the national team jerseys and flags with lilies. The priorities are clear: the state can wait, symbols cannot.

And then the issue of the national team. A simple question, a complicated answer.

He tried to get out of it, but the more he tried to get out, the deeper he sank. When Komšić confronted him with it, we got the standard package: “300 years, Serbs, tradition, mythology… all according to the rulebook”.

Because Vukan is a Serbian nationalist and acts accordingly. There is no confusion there. The confusion is only among those who expect otherwise.

The Sarajevo political scene, however, continues to feign surprise. Or it doesn't feign it, but calculates. Which, realistically, is even worse.

Because the fact is simple: institutions at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina were built with SNSD, and they were criticized by those who are now trying to sell the story that they are an alternative, like Vukanović or others from the same milieu before him.

But this need to find a “partner” in every Serbian nationalist is not new. It is a continuation of a policy that for three decades ceded the space of Republika Srpska without a serious strategy for return and political balance.

The result? No people, no political power.

And that is why today we have a situation where court verdicts, genocide, and elementary principles are overlooked just to maintain the illusion that “there is someone better”.

Wrong? Of course. But apparently useful, at least in the short term, for factionists and their political mentors.

Because if it weren't so, serious politics wouldn't be grasping at straws in the form of Nebojša Vukanović.

Generations after us will write about how devastating this is. Without needing to pretend to be smart, it will be enough for them to look at the facts.

Because imagine the absurdity! After all this, salvation is sought in a nationalist – and reality is adjusted for him so as not to make him uncomfortable.

This is painful and devastating, after all. It's like climbing Manjača or Leotar and shouting, “Welcome Chetniks, halal genocide.” It's a disease, self-destructive!

And as for the national team – watch and cry, Vukan.

Your problem. Because to cheer for the national team, you have to love the country, the homeland, and you are lost where you should be while dreaming of where you would be!

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