Montenegro in the Past Year: Wandering Between Brussels Optimism and Internal Crises

By: Nevena Kovačević

It is an understatement to say that the past year in Montenegro was turbulent. In short, it was marked by political tensions, which overshadowed all the more positive signals from Brussels. While populist promises, political arrogance, and new state borrowings piled up, the public finance crisis deepened.

Nevertheless, negligence, a complete lack of empathy, and unacceptable irresponsibility of the security sector are the biggest causes for concern, as many painful issues, especially regarding the massacre in Cetinje at the beginning of the year, remain unresolved. The Montenegrin public witnessed an identical collapse of institutional responsibility concerning rampant neo-Nazism, chauvinism, hate speech, and the glorification of war criminals and quisling and collaborationist formations, phenomena that are, unfortunately, a constant and part of everyday life in a country that, according to the declarative rhetoric of the authorities, is rushing towards the European Union.

The year, until the very last day, was marked by various forms of blockades, public dissatisfaction accompanied by institutional silence, or only occasional reactions as an expression of a kind of public anesthesia, and the habitual shifting of responsibilities from one branch of government to another, from one ministry to another. Below, we present a summary of key events in 2025, and a brief analytical review related to expectations in the current year.

Protests, Unfulfilled Demands, and Baseless Targeting

The beginning of the year was marked by a tragedy that simultaneously left an indelible scar. On January 1st, Aleksandar Martinović killed 13 fellow citizens in Cetinje, including two children. This was the second massacre in Cetinje, after the crime committed by Vuk Borilović in Medovina in August 2022, the likes of which Montenegro has certainly not seen in peacetime. It was also a new confirmation of the inability of security services to react promptly and communicate adequately in crisis situations.

Instead, half-truths abounded, and after Martinović, after a multi-hour search, shot himself, the Minister of Internal Affairs Danilo Šaranović convinced us that the police reaction was effective and told us to return to normal life. As the heads of the security sector did not even deign to appear at the commemoration of the victims, the citizens' anger culminated. A student group called Kamo sjutra was formed, which organized several mass protests. This was followed by road blockades, and then spontaneous gatherings of citizens across Montenegro.

The demands were clear, and the key ones related to the resignations of the Minister of Internal Affairs Šaranović and the coordinator of security services and Deputy Prime Minister Aleksa Bečić. Meanwhile, Bečić's Democrats, who manage the security sector, were busy counting the protesters and their connections to the previous government, spreading spin, disinformation, and criminalizing students, thereby painting targets on them to attribute a political agenda to protests attended by the victims' families. The government, led by Prime Minister Spajić, ignored the addressed demands for personnel changes, as well as many others, which were sent to the Prime Minister not only from the protests but also from the Cetinje Municipal Assembly.

After months of labeling, the students informed the public in April that their struggle had failed, with a message that it had been politically rendered meaningless, and that they were therefore ceasing their activities, and it is important to mention that some of them filed a complaint against the Democrats for associating them with criminal structures. However, the protests did not end there. A group of citizens, led by Vesna Pejović, who lost her daughter and grandsons Marko and Mašan in the first massacre, has been crying out for justice and accountability for over ten months through daily gatherings at Kruševo ždrijelo. Even Marko and Mašan's law, despite the initiated proposal and government promises, has not yet been adopted. The protests at Kruševo ždrijelo were recently temporarily suspended.

The Budva Saga

A chaotic situation prevailed in the Budva parliament in January. Councilors of the coalition For the Future of Budva, with the support of the Europe Now Movement and the Democrats, did not allow sessions to be held. The holder of the list Budva Our City, and otherwise a splinter wing of the New Serbian Democracy, Nikola Jovanović, claimed that bloodshed could occur and that the police had not protected councilors from the presence of undesirable individuals in the municipal building, and he blamed Andrija Mandić for the escalation. The pressure on Jovanović did not yield results, and a majority was finally formed, consisting of his movement, the European Alliance, URA, and the Democratic Party of Socialists.

In Berane, the government was again formed by ZBCG, SNP, PES, and Democrats, and Đole Lutovac from PES was elected president of the municipality.

Spajić's and Mandić's Congratulations to Trump

Instead of responding to citizens' demands and students' letters, the Prime Minister quickly forgot the Cetinje massacre. From his official car, calling himself a grasshopper, he euphorically sang "Good bless the USA," celebrating Donald Trump's inauguration. The naive would say that Spajić unconsciously supports an anti-European leader. Analytically, I am more inclined to believe that Spajić was aware of Trump's intolerance towards the EU and the potential for a swift conflict, but he had to find a viral maneuver to cushion the situation in the country. Andrija Mandić called Trump a beacon, announcing that the golden age of America was beginning, which is not at all surprising from a staunch Putinophile.

Parliamentary Boycott, Penalties for the Opposition, and EU Delegation Mediation

Following the unconstitutional decision of the Constitutional Committee to retire judge Dragana Đuranović, made at the end of December 2024, the opposition began the year by boycotting the state Parliament. They surrounded Mandić, preventing him from holding sessions, to which he responded with punitive measures, the ultimate measure being the fifteen-day removal of opposition MPs from Parliament. The blockade ended in March. After several meetings between the EU Ambassador to Montenegro, Johann Sattler, and the Prime Minister and leaders of the Democratic Party of Socialists, the European Alliance, and the Croatian Civic Initiative, an agreement was reached between the government and the opposition to seek the opinion of the Venice Commission on the case of judge Đuranović.

Spajić's Shopping Boycott and DPS Congress

Although we heard theses from PES MPs in Parliament that purchasing power does not exist, and therefore inflation cannot be discussed, its growth was increasingly evident. Spajić, in his right-wing populist manner, joined the shopping boycott campaign, which not only had no effect but the price increase continued at a dizzying rate.

At the DPS congress held in February, Danijel Živković was officially elected party president, while Milo Đukanović was given the position of honorary president of DPS.

No Changes in Šavnik and Kotor

At an electronic session held in February, Jugoslav Jakić was re-elected president of the municipality of Šavnik. Supporters of the ruling parties expressed their revolt over Jakić's re-election by blocking the Šavnik highway, supported by certain MPs and ministers. Let us recall that the elections in that municipality, which began in October 2022, have not yet concluded.

Although the electoral process in Kotor was also not concluded, as the response of the Constitutional Court to the DPS appeal was awaited, Vladimir Jokić from the Democrats was re-elected president of the municipality in March.

Government Supported Vučić, Opposition Targeted by BIA

Far from it, the local government was indifferent to the crisis in Serbia. MPs and officials of ZBCG explicitly supported Vučić and the lies about a color revolution, both through public discourse and by attending events and celebrations organized by him. After all, they had to rush to the aid of the leader who was going through the hardest days of his dictatorship. Conversely, DPS MP Ivan Vuković was summoned for BIA interrogation, as he was in Belgrade for personal reasons on March 15th, the day of the largest protest, and the previous evening he sent a short message of support to the students.

Regarding relations with Croatia, variations continued. Although after bilateral consultations between Prime Minister Spajić and Minister Ibrahimović with Croatian officials, an improvement was noted, the rest of the government continued with provocations, such as when the Minister of Defense Dragan Krapović presented badges with the ship Jadran, whose ownership has been a long-standing dispute between the two countries, which caused sharp reactions from official Zagreb. Croatia recently formed a special commission to deal with the issue of the school ship Jadran.

This text would not be complete without recalling the fierce reactions of Andrija Mandić and Milan Knežević following the verdict against Milorad Dodik. They equated the verdict with the case known as the coup d'état, spreading tall tales about the persecution of regional leaders of the Serbian people, or more accurately, the Serbian world.

Then they went to Banja Luka to meet with Dodik and support him not only with words but also with actions.

Mandić Declared Unwelcome in Cetinje and Then Broke the Law

At the Kotor carnival, a puppet with the likeness of Andrija Mandić was symbolically burned. During March, the mayor of Cetinje, Nikola Đurašković, sent a letter to Mandić, telling him not to come to the Capital City, as the first regular spring session of the Assembly was to be scheduled during those days. The reason was that the Assembly of the Capital City had declared Mandić unwelcome in Cetinje, and he was asked to apologize for insults directed at Cetinje, such as calling it a small village at the foot of Lovćen, that it does not deserve the status of Capital City, and a series of similar remarks, which he, as expected, did not do. For Mandić, a simpler solution was to break the law, as he was used to, and schedule the first regular session of the Assembly in Podgorica instead of Cetinje.

Prime Minister's Question Times Becoming Rarer, One Passed Without Opposition Questions

At the end of March, a prime minister's question time was held, which could be described as historic. Namely, the opposition was under Mandić's sanctions, without the right to ask questions. In the following months, Spajić appeared less and less in Parliament, effectively rendering the prime minister's question time as a control mechanism meaningless. And when he did appear, Spajić behaved, to say the least, extremely inappropriately, hitting his forehead for viral clips and the like. On one occasion, he even refused to answer opposition MPs' questions, laughing rudely during their addresses, even though a day of mourning had been declared in the country.

Agreement with the Emirates and Local Community Protests

Without consultations with the local community, Spajić triumphantly presented a plan for a giant tourist complex in the hinterland of Velika plaža in Ulcinj. This was followed by protests and strong revolt from the local community, as well as doubts from the professional public. Although Spajić announced an investment worth 35 billion, investor Mohamed Alabbar stated that the planned investment was only 2.5 billion. After protests and a series of discussions in parliamentary committees, MPs, late in the evening, adopted the Laws ratifying the Agreement with the UAE through an urgent procedure, without explaining the reasons for the urgency. There was no sign of investment, but doubts about corruption remained, along with accusations of violating the Constitution, thereby undermining the legal order, and jeopardizing the principle of equality in public tenders.

The President of the country, Jakov Milatović, called for criminal responsibility to be reviewed. PES, among other things, responded to one of the two former leaders with the remark that he should stop jeopardizing national interests.

The Same Post-Election Setup in Nikšić and Herceg Novi

Local elections were held in Nikšić and Herceg Novi in mid-April. Marko Kovačević and Stevan Katić remained in their leading municipal positions. Although these were extremely important electoral processes, part of the opposition, specifically DPS, as usual, relied on its traditional voter base, seemingly without any interest in regaining the lost trust of its own disappointed voters, even in that segment.

This only strengthened the fascist government with the Europe Now Movement, and Nikšić was subsequently chosen as the European Capital of Culture, although instead of cultural content, revisionist, pro-Chetnik, and primitive events dominate, with the city's once-famous cultural institutions transformed into their center.

Arrest of Mandić's Nephew and Initiative for His Dismissal

In April, two people were injured in a shooting in the center of Podgorica in the early morning hours. Danilo Mandić, Andrija Mandić's nephew and a member of his security detail, who, as stated, was driving the Assembly's official vehicle at the time, was suspected. As it later turned out, Danilo Mandić was not employed by the Assembly or the Police Directorate in any capacity. Therefore, the question arose – who gave Mandić's nephew permission to drive the official vehicle, and how could his uncle even appoint him as a member of his security detail without a contract and proof of employment? A court process is underway against Danilo Mandić, various versions of the same event continue to emerge, along with contradictory statements from witnesses, namely the two injured parties, and even the indictment itself has been amended several times. Ultimately, instead of attempted murder, Mandić is charged with theft of an official vehicle and causing general danger. Following the shooting, the opposition launched an initiative citing several reasons for the dismissal of the Speaker of Parliament.

However, as expected, the majority MPs remained loyal to Mandić, while the Bosniak Party did not even attend the vote. Paradoxically, in March 2024, BS MPs voted for Mandić's dismissal, even though Milan Knežević swore to them that if they voted, they would not enter the Government with them. Today, they are part of the same majority and threaten with red lines from their comfortable seats.

Mandić Celebrated Victory Day at the Russian Embassy, Government Tried to Hide Information About Borrowings In May, the honorary president of SDP, Ranko Krivokapić, became an advisor to Ervin Ibrahimović.

Andrija Mandić gladly attended the Victory Day celebration, and the reception was organized by the Russian Embassy, thus, unlike the European Andrija on his Western tours, he proved his loyalty to Moscow.

The government, after the publication of information that they had borrowed an additional 850 billion euros from the state and citizens in March, came up with a brilliant idea in May – to prohibit the publication of information, data, and assessments related to borrowing.

Given the controversies surrounding the concession for the Airports of Montenegro, different scoring by the tender commission, conflicts within the Government, and court proceedings, the Airports remained state property, and their future is uncertain.

Compromising the Most Important State Award

After Ivan Vuković, the BIA interrogated director Danilo Marunović a few months later. Andrija Mandić publicly supported the glorification of villains Pavle Đurišić and Dragoljub Mihailović.

Among the recipients of the highest state award during those days was Bećir Vuković, a denier of the Montenegrin nation and, as it later turned out, the author of a fraudulent book. Accusations of forgery followed, which part of the jury consciously ignored, violating the law, and the verses that later somehow reached the public further tarnished the most important state recognition. While Andrija Mandić presented the award to Vuković, on July 8th, a non-violent protest took place in front of Villa Gorica.

Peaceful demonstrators were sprayed with pepper spray by the police without any provocation. In December, instead of the officials who used force to suppress the civil protest, 35 participants, including prominent intellectuals, artists, civil activists, and, most paradoxically, a member of the Council for Civil Control of Police Work, who was present at the gathering in that capacity, were prosecuted. Let us also recall that the Montenegrin guitarist Miloš Karadaglić, due to an unprecedented scandal, refused to accept the Thirteenth of July Award. On Statehood Day, July 13th, the mayor of Podgorica, Saša Mujović, was met with whistles at Gorica due to anti-state views and coalition with fascists, and he abandoned his speech at the monument to the Partisan fighter.

Attack on the Mayor of Budva

At the summer congress of the Civic Movement URA, Dritan Abazović was re-elected party leader. At the same time, the parliamentary majority attempted to push through anti-democratic amendments to the Law on Public Gatherings, which, among other things, was interpreted as an attempt to stop the protests at Kruševo ždrijelo. After the outcry from the non-governmental sector, civil activists, and the rest of the professional public, the amendments were withdrawn from the parliamentary procedure.

In July, the mayor of Budva, Nikola Jovanović, was attacked and subsequently hospitalized. The attackers were close to the New Serbian Democracy, and one of them was on the board of the company Morsko dobro on behalf of the aforementioned party. After leaving the hospital, Jovanović announced that Andrija Mandić was directly behind the brutal attack on him. Due to a series of murders on the streets of Montenegro, citizens lived in fear, but appeals for changes in the security sector were in vain.

Electoral Reform and Conflict Within the Majority at the Assembly Session

Another absurd proposal came from the Minister of Urbanism and Spatial Planning, Slaven Radunović – to hold a referendum in Boka on the UNESCO status of Kotor. At the same time, a meeting was held in the Assembly between the leaders of ZBCG and SNPA and representatives of the Albanian Forum, which was declared historic, symbolizing the reconciliation of the Albanian and Serbian peoples.

A consensus was reached in the Assembly between the government and the opposition regarding the segment of electoral reform concerning holding all local elections on the same day, with the first ones to follow next year, when parliamentary elections are also expected. During the final July session, there was a heated atmosphere within the majority. First, BS and PES abstained on the ZBCG proposal concerning amendments to the Amnesty Law. Then, ZBCG responded with abstention when voting on the highly controversial laws on the National Security Agency and Internal Affairs. Andrija Mandić concluded the session with a message that all partnerships within the majority should be reviewed, stating that Spajić is a talented politician, but many in his party do not understand him.

Milatović and Đeljošaj in Court

After President Jakov Milatović returned the Law on Immovable Property Tax to the Assembly, he published private correspondence with the Minister of Economic Development, Niko Đeljošaj, who, among other things, told him that he expected a reaction from Albanians like never before and that he was speaking so shamefully with those he was used to. This was followed by a court case initiated by Milatović, who claimed that Đeljošaj had threatened him.

Monument to Đurišić Remains an Enigma

In Gornji Zaostru near Berane, a monument to the villain Pavle Đurišić was unveiled, attended by priests of the Serbian Church, politicians, and citizens who admired those who committed heinous crimes on behalf of the fascist occupiers. During the ceremony, journalists and photojournalists from Pobjeda and Vijesti were verbally and physically attacked, their equipment broken, and church dignitaries calmly watched the abuse of Chetnik supporters against them. After its unveiling, the monument was moved to a local church, then to the Đurđevi Stupovi monastery, but to this day, no one, except perhaps the two metropolitans of the Serbian Church, Joanikije and Metodije, knows or wants to know where the bronze statue is, and the security services are not even trying to find it.

Unfulfilled Promises About Water Bombers and Chaos with Fires

The summer was also marked by the most severe fire season in recent history. The situation was most critical around Podgorica, specifically in Piperi and Kuči. The army, fire services, and numerous teams from neighboring and foreign countries fought for days to save lives and their homes. Unfortunately, on August 12th, during this struggle, soldier Dejan Božović died. While questions were directed at the government – where are the water bombers promised by Spajić – the government accused DPS of selling water bombers during the FRY, when everything was decided from the Belgrade, Milošević-led center. While the public wondered – where are the government leaders while the country is burning – the government adopted the Spatial-Urban Plan of the Capital City in a phone session, after the previous interruption of the public debate and stormy reactions regarding its content. This document, in particular, caused a series of turbulences, from Botun to Zabjelo.

New Split in SNP

At the SNP congress, after public disputes, the fifth split occurred since the party's formation. Vladimir Joković was elected president of the party for the third time, and a part of the membership, led by Dragoslav Šćekić, founded the Movement for National Trust. This decision resulted in Šćekić's dismissal from the position of Minister of Sports and Youth on the last day of 2025.

Complication of the Situation Regarding the Construction of the Collector in Botun

Already after the adoption of the Spatial-Urban Plan of the Capital City, the issue of constructing a wastewater treatment plant in the village of Botun in Zeta became a burning topic. As the pressure from the EU delegation grew, with deadlines approaching and no room for changing the location, tensions within the majority also intensified. However, the paradox is that Milan Knežević's party, which opposed the construction of the plant from the beginning, voted for four different documents in which the construction project was outlined and funds were allocated for its realization. Knežević repeatedly threatened to leave the local and state government, and it was speculated that the mayor of Podgorica had asked Spajić to expel DNP from the government.

Knežević did not leave the government but led the protests of the people of Botun, which resulted in a referendum in Zeta. Meetings with government representatives and a series of guarantees did not contribute to calming tensions. On the contrary. On December 30th, before dawn, chaos erupted with police intervention. 54 people were arrested, including the president of the municipality of Zeta, Mihailo Asanović. Milan Knežević, at one point, dramatically entered a police van, demanding to be taken to the Security Center along with other citizens. Although Knežević, so to speak, self-arrested, the entire leadership of Serbia, along with Vučić's media guard dogs, lamented his fate. Police officers claimed the van was not functional, and Knežević, after all the arrested people from Zeta were released, voluntarily got out of the vehicle. This was followed by a blockade of the roundabout leading to the Airport, which lasted for several hours and continued the next day. During the prime minister's question time, Mandić told Spajić that the red lines that had been widened were narrowing, and that he did not have 41 MPs, while Spajić praised the police's reaction and congratulated them on the start of construction. On the last day of 2025, Knežević announced that he would welcome the New Year with the people of Zeta, threatening to block all of Podgorica, even bloodshed, and Mandić interrupted the Assembly session due to the situation in Zeta. After waiting for the Prime Minister at the Airport, Knežević called on citizens to disperse. DNP announced that Knežević would initiate the withdrawal from local and state government at the presidency after the holidays and that if the party bodies did not accept it, he would resign as party leader, and he himself announced his departure from the "bloody" Government.

One might say, like all of Knežević's promises, a New Year's treat for voters.

Chauvinism and the Hunt for Turks

Chauvinistic rampage in Podgorica began during the summer with the interruption of the film "Isje Ćosje" during its screening at the Džada film fest in the Podgorica neighborhood of Zabjelo, solely because the film was shown in Albanian. The group that interrupted the screening has not been identified or prosecuted to this day.

In October, we witnessed a series of unpleasant evenings and even more unpleasant scenes. We wrote in detail about the hunt for Turkish citizens, but it is worth recalling a few facts. It all started with the narrative of one hundred thousand Turks in Montenegro. After the incident in Zabjelo, disinformation was spread that the perpetrators were Turkish citizens, but it later turned out they were Azerbaijanis. A series of supposedly anti-migrant, but actually anti-Turkish, rallies were organized. Their cars and property across Montenegro were burned and demolished, and chants of "kill the Turk, kill, slaughter, let the Turk not exist" were heard at the rallies, while police officers acted as passive observers. The Prime Minister promptly announced the abolition of the visa-free regime for Turkish citizens. Although it soon turned out that Turkish citizens had nothing to do with the incident in Zabjelo, the decision to reintroduce the visa-free regime was made only recently. While the mayor of Podgorica remained silent, Boris Bogdanović from the Democrats fanned xenophobia by posting photos of Turks pinned to a wall. Although a much more dangerous scenario was narrowly avoided, and we witnessed a xenophobic outburst indicating serious social anomalies, it is easier to act according to the proverb – every wonder lasts three days, because citizens, just like the authorities, too often choose short memories.

That Montenegrin fans are on the right side was once again shown during the November football match between Croatia and Montenegro. Namely, when the chant "kill the Serb" was heard from the away stands, Montenegrin fans responded with the historic slogan "Ustashas, Chetniks, you fled together."

Games Around the Constitutional Court

Despite warnings from Brussels, MPs first did not even adopt the agenda in September, which included the point for electing judges of the Constitutional Court. In October, the agenda was adopted, but neither of the two candidates proposed by the parliamentary majority, Mirjana Radović and Jovan Jovanović, nor the candidate proposed by the President of the country, Mirjana Vučinić, received the necessary support in the first round. In the second round, in the voting order precisely planned by Mandić, only Jovanović, the favorite of the ZBCG coalition, was elected. At the end of December, the term of judge Desanka Lopičić also expired, and on the last day of 2025, Nikola Mugoša was elected judge of the Constitutional Court in Parliament, while the President's other candidate, Predrag Krstonijević, did not receive support in the first round of voting.

Autumn was also marked by the concern of the Bosniak Party, which raised questions about whether Pljevlja is in Montenegro, as if the nationalist outbursts of Dario Vraneš were something new and unknown. The Minister of Defense Dragan Krapović continued his crackdown on undesirable media by attempting to ban them from attending press conferences.

Despite Brussels and domestic optimism, surveys, both then and now, indicate a worrying rise in Euroscepticism, which suits Aleksandar Vučić and his exponents, whose obstruction will only gain full momentum in the current year.

DPS demanded that, due to the increasingly complex security situation, a parliamentary debate be initiated on the dismissal of Aleksa Bečić. However, this issue did not even enter the parliamentary procedure, as URA, whose relationship with the Democrats has ranged from coalition love to anti-coalition hatred for years, withdrew from signing the proposal.

In Bijelo Polje, councilors from DPS, the European Alliance, and BS voted to revoke the Risto Ratković award from war criminal Radovan Karadžić. However, with the non-adoption of the municipal budget, a government crisis began at the end of December, and representatives of the Bosniak Party are hinting at a coalition breakup.

Spajić's Rural Topics and Milatović's Order to Amfilohije

While Andrija Mandić paid homage to quislings, PES MPs submitted an initiative to remove the qualifier "violent" from the Law on the Petrović Njegoš Dynasty, referring to the annexation of Montenegro in 1918 after the illegitimate and illegal Podgorica assembly. The Prime Minister, for uncomfortable questions like the monument to Đurišić, which he doesn't have time to deal with, devised a new slogan – rural topics.

DPS held several rallies in Pljevlja, Berane, and Herceg Novi, stating that they were deliberately choosing the most vulnerable municipalities with pro-Serbian governments. At the same time, MP Drita Lola left the party for family reasons and returned her parliamentary mandate, as did Nikola Janović recently, who often spoke publicly about the party's wrong policies and is now an independent MP, or as he put it, a representative of the citizens.

The President of the country posthumously awarded the Order of the Great Star of Montenegro to the former metropolitan of the Serbian Church, Amfilohije Radović. The question of whether the order was lawfully awarded for a legacy based on sowing hatred, and for justifiable reasons we can believe it was not, those who should have, have not and will not deal with it.

Continuation of Tensions Among Majority Constituents and Mandić's Threats to the Prosecutor's Office
During the parliamentary session where the report on the work of the prosecutor's office was presented, Andrija Mandić dropped the gloves. Instead of a peacemaker and European, an enraged Andrija, from the position of Speaker of Parliament, publicly threatened the Chief State Prosecutor Milorad Marković.

Banging his fist on the table, he told Marković to resign, stating that if Marković did not resign, he would not be elected, and that he had made a mistake and had become too arrogant. The reasons for Mandić's anger are not difficult to discern.

The Special State Prosecutor's Office is once again dealing with the coup d'état, and the court process against his nephew, a good guy who shoots from an official vehicle despite pressure, is proceeding as best it can. Mandić did not spare his partners from PES either, telling them that numerous cases related to their officials are hidden in prosecutor's drawers.

The issue of Botun remained a point of contention, the visit of the Croatian Minister of Foreign Affairs irked the pro-Serbian parties, and all mutual threats turned out to be empty threats. The story of the crisis in the healthcare system deepened with the dismissal of Vuk Kadić from the position of Director of the Health Insurance Fund, who stated that PES was behind the move.

Historic Opportunity from Brussels

Although the government received warnings from the IMF, as well as from Brussels, about the necessity of cuts in public finances, they continued their own way. The state apparatus became even more bloated, and money was spent lavishly on official trips and representation, while the state continuously borrowed.

At the beginning of the year, the government promised to temporarily close as many as ten chapters. However, in December, it became clear that only five would be closed, with the closure of two chapters related to agriculture and fisheries, which France had previously blocked, miraculously being lobbied for at the last moment.

Montenegro has an outstretched hand from Brussels, encouragement is coming from the highest European addresses, the most significant being when German Chancellor Friedrich Merz mentioned the start of work on preparing the Accession Treaty. However, the question arises – how long will they look the other way and how long can we slip through the eye of a needle, while the essence is neglected on the domestic front, and only the form is in focus.

These are not real reforms, but mere political point-scoring, which, if this continues, should be forgiven to us another 21 times by the end of the year.
While Brussels is effectively pushing us forward, the leaders of the parliamentary majority are not giving up on raising issues such as the restoration of the Karađorđević chapel on Lovćen, constitutional amendments, the official language, and dual citizenship.

A Year of Challenges

When we talk about expectations, they are difficult to predict. However, it is certain that due to all of the above, Montenegro is perhaps facing a year of its greatest challenges. Uncertainty is growing, and promises are piling up, although even those who make them no longer believe in their fulfillment. The election of Lazar Šćepanović as Director of the Police Directorate, at the very end of the past year, has already caused dissatisfaction and new tensions within the majority.

The citizens of Pljevlja entered the New Year choking on smoke, without explanation, with responsibility being shifted from one instance to another. The anniversary of the second massacre in Cetinje is being marked without a single answer, just as in the case of the massacre in Medovina.

Despite congratulations from the EU delegation, the question remains how the situation in Botun will end, given that in the referendum, which admittedly has no legal consequences, 65% of citizens voted against the construction of the plant.

Promises of numerous highway sections will pass as before, without a shovel being dug, as is the case with the highway from Mateševo to Andrijevica. The adopted Budget ensures official salaries, and causes concern for citizens' existence, because instead of improving living standards, life for the average citizen is becoming increasingly expensive at all levels, while politicians do not reduce privileges in terms of travel and representation expenses by even a cent.

While partitocracy is eroding society, and right-wing populists bury their heads in the sand in the face of xenophobia, chauvinism, and revisionism, and the lack of confronting the past and cheering for war criminals, we cannot hope for the preservation of Montenegro's value framework and civic identity. Because – even if the Brussels administration is willing enough to let us pass another 21 times by the end of the year, we must bear in mind that this very value framework is more important than any deadlines. Montenegro needs political changes, and this does not necessarily mean early elections, but an opposition understanding that pro-European constructiveness does not entail voting for laws that are merely formally reformist.

It is necessary to strategically fight against elements that, from abroad and from within, are destroying the anti-fascist foundations of the state, and have long reduced its sovereignty to a constitutional category. In the current year, Montenegro is at a crossroads – between European optimism, and external and internal, ethno-populist sabotage.

The awakening of the pro-Montenegrin bloc is more important than ever, because if in the year we mark 20 years of independence with a government that predominantly does not recognize that independence, we fail to resist the obstructions and scourges that will become increasingly radical, the question is not only whether we will join the EU, but whether we will preserve the state and its civic and anti-fascist core.

On the last day of the past year, a series of laws with blue flags were adopted in Parliament, and members of the Council of the Agency for Audio and Visual Media Services were finally elected. However, as long as the government declares critics as state enemies, and security services cooperate closely with Russian-Serbian intelligence agents, and instead of protecting citizens and the state, they help in its systemic dismemberment.

All the energy of the pro-Montenegrin bloc, civil activists, the civil sector, and the academic community must be directed towards resisting anti-state elements, whose pressures are equally noticeable from abroad and from within. A state that cannot ensure the protection of basic rights and freedoms for its citizens and in which chronic polarization is deepening is a state of injustice, not the rule of law. Whether we can defeat retrograde ideologies and return to a truly progressive path towards democratic consolidation and Europeanization is an internal question. Brussels cannot help us with that.

But, if we think that Montenegro is not covered by the ideas of a probationary or non-voting membership, we are too naive. The European Union, which is deeply fragmented, despite its good intentions to integrate Montenegro into its ranks as soon as possible, least needs countries whose governments are led by Russian Trojan horses. Whether we can regain state sovereignty instead of racing against time and pull it out of its value decline, because we do not need bureaucratic pats on the back, but European standards in practice, is a question for the civic forces, to which, if there is even a little strategic thinking, we may have an answer in the next review.