Well-tuned dead men guarding Bosnia and Herzegovina
By Sifet Kukuruz The state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is under open attack. After a long phase of verbal denial of the state of BiH, the phase of open destruction of its constitutional order has finally arrived. After separatist policies, using the institutions of the system, destroyed the state of BiH from within, today we are witnessing a phase of open destruction that threatens to escalate into armed rebellion.
Although the activities aimed at destroying the state of BiH are visible to everyone, and despite the fact that they are in an advanced stage, the citizens of BiH are simultaneously faced with policies that, due to their inability to protect the state of BiH with concrete actions, are trying to maintain the illusion of some kind of "normality".
Thus, the leaders of the Trojka continue to develop the narrative of BiH's European perspective, intensive work on adopting so-called European laws, and the readiness and capability of state institutions to respond strongly to any attack on the state, etc.
Although their coalition partner Milorad Dodik has officially informed them that the state of BiH no longer exists, and he demonstrates this practically every day on the ground, the leaders of the Trojka continue to talk about BiH's European future and the adoption of European laws.
While separatist forces do not recognize the state Constitution, nullify state laws and prohibit their application in part of the state territory, and simultaneously adopt their own regulations, the leaders of the Trojka, like "well-tuned dead men," announce the adoption of new "European laws." It is clear that with such an approach, the Trojka perceives the current crisis situation as a "war of regulations" and wants to send a message to the public that it is capable of adopting more laws than Milorad Dodik is capable of derogating in practice.
In this play of irrationality, in which the Trojka presents the adopted so-called European laws as its greatest achievement to the public, it is worth recalling the fact that the opposition, as well as the Trojka's coalition partners, rightly pointed out that the Trojka's cadres have not submitted any laws to the parliamentary procedure, including those related to BiH's European path.
Due to its inability to do anything concrete to protect the constitutional and legal order of BiH, the Trojka tries to hide its lack of ideas and helplessness by calling for restraint and wisdom, but also to reduce its own responsibility for the state in which the state of BiH finds itself today.
The fact that cannot be disputed is that the Trojka today cannot significantly, and especially decisively, influence political processes in the country. The Trojka has handed over all essential levers of power to separatist-oriented forces. No state institution responsible for ensuring the implementation of state will on the ground, which is crucial today, is managed by Trojka cadres.
Due to institutional helplessness, even the decisions of the Constitutional Court of BiH, which declare the separatist laws adopted by the National Assembly of Republika Srpska unconstitutional, cannot have their full effect.
Since separatist actors do not recognize the Constitutional Court of BiH, the decisions of the Constitutional Court cannot, in themselves, stop the destruction of the state of BiH. The decisions of the Constitutional Court of BiH certainly represent legal prerequisites for preventing and punishing anti-state activities, but real institutional power is needed to enforce these decisions. However, it is precisely such power that the Trojka lacks, or more precisely, the Trojka has handed over such power to the separatists. The ticket to power that the Trojka voluntarily paid was the handover of instruments of power to coalition partners.
To protect the state, it is not enough for the Constitutional Court of BiH to make a decision declaring entity laws unconstitutional; real institutional power is needed to implement these decisions in practice, i.e., to effectively sanction non-compliance with these decisions.
The implementation of state will in real life is ensured primarily by prosecutorial, judicial, and police bodies, and it is precisely these institutional mechanisms that the Trojka, in order to enter power, delivered to separatist-oriented coalition partners.
The voluntarily disempowered Trojka today appears as a "living dead man," who, already during the formation of the government at the state level, was "tuned" in such a way that, at the moment of implementing separatist policies, it is completely paralyzed and unable to take any concrete action to defend the constitutional and legal order.
The Trojka has been tuned and programmed by separatist leaders Milorad Dodik and the hypocritical leader of European integration, Dragan Čović, to be permanently politically helpless and harmless. Current events confirm that the political birth of the Trojka simultaneously represented its political death. The Trojka is a political stillbirth; it was placed in a state of induced political coma at the very moment it was brought into power. Therefore, the expectation that the Trojka will take concrete actions against the destruction of BiH's constitutional and legal order is like "spurring a dead horse."
The politically induced coma in which the Trojka finds itself has turned the Trojka into a completely "disabled political structure," and its only chance for political survival is its permanent maintenance in such a state. It is in the Trojka's interest not to be consulted on anything and not to decide on anything, because any political move by the Trojka that would be undertaken outside the supervision and consent of Milorad Dodik and Dragan Čović would necessarily lead the Trojka to political death.
The behavior of the Trojka, which today is primarily reflected in the initiative to dismiss SNSD cadres from the Parliamentary Assembly and the Council of Ministers of BiH, shows that the anesthesia has begun to gradually wear off and that the Trojka is slowly waking up from its induced coma.
However, the "pact with the devil" that it voluntarily entered into with great political zeal, the Trojka cannot unilaterally break today. Just as it had no say in the formation of the government, the Trojka has no say today in breaking the coalition. This was clearly demonstrated by the Trojka's coalition partners during the attempt to dismiss SNSD cadres in the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly and the Council of Ministers of BiH.
To the extent that it wanted to form a coalition with SNSD and HDZ, the Trojka today wants to be freed from these coalitions many times over. However, breaking the coalition is not a matter of the Trojka's will, but a matter of the SNSD's and HDZ's will. In fact, the Trojka is only now becoming aware that it has been kidnapped by its coalition partners. The citizens of BiH are witnessing a serious hostage crisis today, the duration and outcome of which are still unknown.
The incompetence of the Trojka can best be seen through the ability of Milorad Dodik and Dragan Čović to achieve their political goals. As Milorad Dodik has stated publicly many times, the Trojka is not the government; it is only part of the government, the executive part that represents the "contractor" of Milorad Dodik's and Dragan Čović's conceptual projects.
Thus, the assertion that the Trojka's incompetence is directly correlated with separatist policies, whose devastating consequences the citizens of BiH are witnessing today, proves to be correct.
Milorad Dodik correctly assessed that the Trojka, as a "disabled political structure," offers him the greatest chances for the realization of his maximalist and separatist policy. Of course, this fact was no less known to Dragan Čović, who, with more sophistication, different means, and subtler methodology, works towards achieving his goals that date back to the war.
Current events have confirmed that the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot build its future by relying on the Trojka. The Trojka was and remains a support only for the realization of the policies of Milorad Dodik and Dragan Čović. All that remains for the citizens of BiH is to hope that the web of international circumstances will ultimately result in the removal from the political scene not only of Milorad Dodik's separatist policies and Dragan Čović's latent destructive policies, but also of all policies that have served to strengthen separatism, a role that the Trojka has perfectly played.
