By: Muharem Cero
The genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica and the wider area of Podrinje was tailored to the war objective, strategically designed and logistically supported. Recognized as a crime against humanity and qualified as the first genocide in Europe after the Second World War, with its creators and perpetrators convicted by the Hague verdicts to sentences ranging from life to long-term imprisonment, not only those in the structures of the political and military parastate of the Republika Srpska, but also those across the Drina.
Nevertheless, it (the genocide) has been violently challenged - institutionally, in the media and in a number of other ways… coated in the language of hatred and the narrative of innocence.
The war against Bosnia had as its goal the creation of pure ethnic territories according to the ideas of the ideologues of the Great Serbia nationalism, as today's narrative would put it - the creation of the so-called 'Serb world'. The contestation continues and will continue for a long time, as the catharsis is a slow, painful generational process. Regardless of how noisy, irritating and opposed to the Hague judgments the denial of the international criminal qualification of genocide is, the meaning of its duration has another, no longer so hidden a goal, which corresponds precisely to the idea of a 'Serb world'.
The denial of genocide is not the final act of its ‘verification’, it is merely the noise and dust of a false narrative in the function of achieving the real goal of the committed genocide. Ergo, the ‘landocide’ is its verification.
Landocide is the killing of the future existence of followers tired of genocide on the projected territory of the war goal, the realization of the Great-Serbia concept. The euphemism of what is now called, it should be said again, the 'Serb world'.
Although contested and legally prohibited, the ‘landocide’ is being implemented without consequences or reaction from the international community and the Dayton state institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
It should be said that the property, meadows and fields, forests and private estates of those killed in the genocide without heirs, undisputedly according to the Law on Real Rights of the RS, become or have already become the property of those who were their executioners in a direct and indirect way!
No matter how undisputed law of the RS is in accordance with the competences from the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it contains an unsustainable moral, ethical and human dimension. It would be expected that the property of the victims of the genocide without legal heirs, would be registered as the property of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina or, alternatively, of the Memorial Center in Potočari, and the income from its employment would be spent on many a form of maintenance of Bosnian society in the territory where the genocide was committed.
The victims of the genocide were not only the owners of the enumerated property, but also the expected followers of the legal regulations on denationalization and restitution of property on behalf of the class of confiscated considerable forest and agricultural land properties. Murder by land dispossession happens to the living, to those scattered around the world, away from the place of the genocide. Due to various bureaucratic shenanigans, the living are left without their property in the RS, with the same goal of creating a Serb country, they are left without their meadows, fields, pastures and forests, and again, unfortunately, without any response and help from the state institutions of BiH, as well as the international community. The story comes full circle and is confirmed - the genocide gets paid off by the landicide.
Indeed, in order to achieve its political interests, the RS had unilaterally passed the law on restitution and partially implemented it up to the point where then the High Representative declared it an unconstitutional act and obliged the state of BiH to pass that law - as the only competent body - in the Parliament of BiH, which unfortunately did not happen and there is no indication when and if it will at all.
The law of the RS was segregating and discriminatory and, according to the ethnic principle, it returned property only to the ethnic majority in the said area, without evidence that any confiscated property in Srebrenica and the wider Podrinje was returned to members of the ethnic minority.
The lack of international and intra-Bosnian initiative gives space to the Greater Serbia project, so that it, freely and without punishment, achieves its goals of ‘ethnicizing’ the entity’s land somewhat more slowly, in accordance with the original goal.
It is quite easy to see that such goals are hidden in the ultimate objective and behind the so-called 'legitimate policies' which, by means of political synergy, is already slowly drawing the outlines
of the Bosniak ghetto. We should trust in international and God's justice that evil cannot and must not be rewarded but, at the same time, strongly wish for the emergence of political structures as well as people who will know how to get rid of such anti-Bosnian agendas and end the war against Bosnia with the triumph of its victory.
The appearance of such policies and such people must and can only happen with the support of those structures, whatever they may be, which we recognize as that part of the international community and its institutions that declaratively participate in the project of the creation of civil BiH.