
By Rasim Belko
Hope lies with the youth. The world rests on the youth, the youth should take the destiny of Bosnia and Herzegovina into their own hands.
The most frequently uttered remarks by representatives of the international community, the non-governmental sector, and the wise minds of the peoples and minorities, citizens, and Others in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
And the youth appeared. Politicians in their prime. And it seems that the world that rests on the youth could be problematic. Because, in Republika Srpska, several politicians from the young guard have emerged.
They are led by the ubiquitous Draško Stanivuković (PDP) and his party colleague Jelena Trivić. Nebojša Vukanović (SDS) is also somewhere around them.
And when it was thought that these young politicians could be the drivers of processes leading to unity, fighting for economic prosperity and bringing BiH closer to European standards, everything turned upside down.
Around this time last year, I was in Banja Luka at those mass protests over the murder of David Dragičević. And then, a year ago, the people of Banja Luka said that Draško Stanivuković was not what he presented himself to be. That he betrayed the group "Justice for David" and that he tried to frame Davor Dragičević for arrest.
Whether everything is true, I don't know, but what I know for sure is the fact that Draško Stanivuković is pursuing politics upside down.
A video of the spirited Stanivuković's summarized statements has been circulating on the internet in recent days, in which he behaves like Milorad Dodik. Stanivuković plays ignorant and answers "no comment" to the question about Radovan Karadžić, and to the question of whether there was genocide in Srebrenica, Stanivuković replies "I have heard 72 truths, I don't know what the truth is".
It is difficult to believe that a member of parliament has not seen the verdicts of the International Court of Justice in The Hague, which ruled war crimes, rapes, persecutions, and mass killings as genocide. That is why Draško Stanivuković cannot be among the desired young politicians.
When asked on FACE television what he did in the cell after his arrest last year, Stanivuković proudly replied "I read several books by Dobrica Ćosić".
That is the burden that turns the hope that Draško Stanivuković is a politician for the future of all peoples and citizens in this country into ashes.
When it comes to the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it seems that the young Stanivuković does not count on its survival. In public appearances, Stanivuković readily states that "the first Serbian state on this side of the Drina was created by the fighters of Republika Srpska". This is actually his true and sincere answer to what he thinks about Karadžić and the genocide in Srebrenica.
Along with Stanivuković, Jelena Trivić has also killed hope in the political youth of BiH. The PDP MP recently posted a photo on her Facebook showing her watching a film about the Chetnik leader Draža Mihailović.
Along with the picture, Trivić also stated that it is "a film about the first guerrilla fighter of occupied Europe. For years, they served us lies as truth. The rehabilitation of a general of the Yugoslav army in the homeland has only partially corrected historical injustice," were the words of Jelena Trivić, a representative in the National Assembly of Republika Srpska, about the Chetnik general and war criminal from World War II, Draža Mihailović.
Trivić also emphasized that Draža's patriotism "can still be a guiding star today".
This is the same Trivić who, with gusto and a full heart, shouts as loudly as she can in the NSRS: "I will support the proposal to form a reserve force of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Republika Srpska".
Although her party's name includes "party" and "democratic," Trivić, like Stanivuković, remains stuck in books that glorify war criminals. Both those from the 40s and those from the 90s.
Along with these two, SDS's Nebojša Vukanović has emerged among the political hopes, known for his quotes from mythical stories of the distant past and his folkloric performances, which were typical in the 90s for individuals planning Greater Serbia.
All three young MPs in the NSRS have one problem. That is Bosnia and Herzegovina, its integrity, independence, and sovereignty. Their second problem is the integration of that Bosnia and Herzegovina into the NATO alliance. These young followers of Emperors Lazar and Dušan, Milošević and Ćosić, Čiča Draža and Karadžić are aware that joining NATO means the end of the decades-long dream of a Greater Serbia or that first Serbian state on this side of the Drina.
However, what Milorad Dodik calls political Sarajevo is actually a suicidal Sarajevo, which embraces, hugs, and supports these young lions of the Serbian political guard, not to mention Draža's guard, with open arms.
This is the Sarajevo that believed in similar lions of Draža's guard even in those moments when SDS snipers were shooting from the Holiday Inn.
Unfortunately, for Sarajevo, Banja Luka, Trebinje, Tuzla, Bijeljina, and others, much more water will have to flow down Bosnian rivers before politicians emerge on the political scene for whom Draža and Karadžić will be a painful topic from history textbooks, and Čiča and the emperors will be forgotten, just like those who killed and slaughtered in the name of myths about them for Greater Serbian projects.
When some new lions emerge in a few decades, Stanivuković, Trivić, and Vukanović will be covered in dust on books that will state that they were once young politicians, but that their past and Greater Serbian politics cut off their paths to the future.
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