By Rasim Belko
The Election Law must be resolved within six months of the establishment of power, stated the president of the HDZ of Bosnia and Herzegovina Dragan Čović yesterday after a meeting with Nermin Nikšić (SDP BiH) and Milorad Dodik (SNSD).
That this will be the case can be inferred from the formation of an inter-party working body, which will include Dodik's old fox Sredoje Nović, an HDZ member with serious electoral capacity Darjana Filipović, and Nerin Dizdar.
And for God's sake, who is Nerin Dizdar, a well-informed acquaintance asked me yesterday. However, no matter how informed he was, it remained unclear to him where Dizdar, the Minister of Displaced Persons and Refugees in Schmidt's FBiH Government, came from.
If the informed do not know, it will be even harder for the uninformed to understand. And Nerin Dizdar is clearly a trusted associate of Nermin Nikšić, someone he can trust not to mention a civic BiH, the majorization of Bosniaks, Bosnians and Herzegovinians, European norms, and rulings on Election Law reforms... Such cadre selection has become Nikšić's practice lately, as the SDP president is aware that the majority of his party's cadres do not look favorably upon what he is doing.
However, let's return to Dizdar, a well-paid fighter for the rights of Bosniaks in Stolac. Because, as the media once wrote, Dizdar received a salary of around 3,000 KM from the Fund for Professional Rehabilitation and Employment of Persons with Disabilities. When we consider the incomes of those he was supposed to help and those for whom he "advocated" in Stolac, it is clear that he forgot about social democracy back in kindergarten. That is why it is easier for us to understand that this is another copy of Nermin Nikšić in the SDP. And like Nikšić, his copies achieve identical results when they appear before the people - no one wants to elect them anywhere.
Therefore, despite the fact that Nerin Dizdar's declaration states he is a Bosniak, it is impossible to believe that he will advocate for the electoral rights of that nation.
On the other hand, Dizdar was also "active" in the fight against discrimination of Bosniaks in the Municipality of Stolac, because there, HDZ cadres absolutely control political processes and do not allow the election of Bosniaks in accordance with the Election Law and the norms of constitutionality.
The result of Nerin Dizdar's fight is identical to the results of Nermin Nikšić's fights - no results. Because Stolac, along with Čapljina, still represents a place where the Bosniak population is treated as a ghettoized mass, a year before the new elections.
In that case, can we believe that Nerin Dizdar's results will be different in a consultative body where Čović's and Dodik's cadres have much greater knowledge? At the same time, the question arises whether Dizdar will behave during consultations like Nikšić during press conferences, hiding his cowardice behind slogans like "we won't constantly stir up storms," as in the case of the HVO museum at the site of a camp. And the behavior of the entire "Troika" suggests that this is the only thing we could expect, because everything that has been controversial in the past few months has been resolved according to the principle of "yes, Dragan," "yes, Milorad."
A game in which three political factors carry the Bosniak political capacity in power and nod their heads to all the wishes and demands of separatists can only have one end - 2:0 for the aggressors and the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The reform of the electoral legislation is necessary, a task given to us by the representatives of the European Union, but nowhere does it state, because it is impossible for it to state, that the reform of the Election Law must end with the introduction of a second entity in the territory occupied by UZP, the so-called Herceg-Bosna.
But, those who do not learn from history cannot know where they will walk tomorrow. If Bosniaks had known before the elections what they know today, the Sarajevo "Troika" would not have had the capacity even for a political rally, let alone for power. Because Nermin Nikšić was in power before, and Bosniaks in the territory occupied by UZP and genocide (Dayton name RS) best know the consequences of Nikšić's (SDP's) stumbling into a trap with Dodik and delivering the Law on Residence as the strongest weapon for SANU planners to complete ethnic cleansing.
Today, it is easier to find precious stones in the occupied territory of the Dayton name RS than a Bosniak who has a say. And that is the consequence of the SDP's principle of "not stirring up storms" when their non-programmatic partners give them a piece of power and free rein to plunder budgets.
And as long as Nikšić is not ready to "stir up storms" and enjoys the budgetary maestral, the danger of handing over Bosnia and Herzegovina to those who want to divide it grows to the level of complete frustration not only of those who did not vote for the "Troika members" but also of a large number of their voters.
Building a state is a long and arduous path, but the political landslide experienced by the so-called pro-Bosnian bloc could push the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina into a consociational model and ultimately split it into Serbian and Croatian parts.
If Bosniaks allow Nerin Dizdar to defend them, they will slide into oblivion along with the state. Because Nikšić does not like storms, and those on deck always follow orders.
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